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61. La participación en Operaciones de Paz de la ONU y el control civil de las fuerzas armadas: los casos de Argentina y Uruguays

Author:
Arturo C. Sotomayor
Publication Date:
08-2005
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Centro de Investigación y Docencia Económicas
Abstract:
This is a comparative study that explores the impact of participation in United Nations (UN) peacekeeping operations on civil-military relations in two democratizing and developing countries; namely, Argentina and Uruguay. I ask for example, why the incorporation of the Argentine military into UN peace operations increased linkages between diplomats and soldiers, while Uruguayan peacekeeping experiences enlarged the gap between politicians and the military? I develop a qualitative measurement to evaluate variations on the effects by focusing on the mode of transition to democracy, the bureaucratic politics of the defense policy-making, and the type of socialization in the field. My research argues that the military is not defined only by domestic variables. This leads to questions in general about the nature of the military as an institution. Not only the doctrine, technology and techniques of the military are influenced by international variables, but also its very raison d'être and place in domestic politics. This is an initial attempt to theorize and elucidate how the peacekeeping policies of transitional and democratizing regimes differ and vary in their effects from the peace contributions of developed and established democracies, such as Canada, Norway, and Sweden.
Topic:
Democratization, Peace Studies, and United Nations
Political Geography:
Canada, Norway, Argentina, South America, Uruguay, and Sweden

62. Economic Survey of Sweden, 2004

Publication Date:
02-2004
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development
Abstract:
With sound monetary and fiscal frameworks and a good macroeconomic position, Sweden is better placed to face the longer-term challenges of an ageing population than many other OECD countries. As elsewhere, these demographic trends will put downwardpressure on growth in potential output and increase burdens on public expenditure over time. Managing this situation effectively within the welfare state approach while enjoying the highest possible living standards will be easier if the country can raise productivity growth, expand the effective labour supply, and get public finances quickly back onto their intended medium-term path. Productivity growth could be boosted further by increasing the pressures from competition in all parts of the economy, building on earlier liberalisation efforts. Effectively addressing cartels and other anti-competitive behaviour, removing regulatory obstacles and further exposing the large public sector to competition would all help. Productivity growth could also be raised if workers and capital moved more quickly and easily in response to shifts in costs and demand for different outputs. However, taking the rewards for productivity improvements in the form of lower working hours diminishes the tax base; further reductions in high marginal tax rates would reduce the incentive to do so. Although employment rates are already high overall, more could be done to get young people qualified and into the workforce earlier and to improve the integration of immigrants. Reducing the numbers of people drawing sickness and disability benefits will not only boost effective labour supply but also help ease expenditure pressures. More generally, tight expenditure restraint will be necessary to attain the government's surplus target. The budget framework could be refined in ways that would help to ensure that public finances are sustainable in the long term, while also providing room to moderate marginal tax rates in order to boost incentives to work, save and invest. Further progress towards environmental sustainability could focus on improving the cost-effectiveness of policies. Ultimately, creating faster growth and maintaining the welfare state depend on continuation of far-sighted economic management.
Topic:
Agriculture, Economics, Environment, Human Rights, International Organization, and Political Economy
Political Geography:
Sweden

63. Territorial review of Öresund,2003

Publication Date:
03-2003
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development
Abstract:
The Öresund project which is intended to develop jointly Skåne (Malmö) in Sweden and Zealand (Copenhagen) in Denmark is a major endeavour for the Danish and Swedish governments, given the potential economic growth that can be derived from the integration of one of the most highly populated and productive regions on the Baltic Sea. The significance of the project is reflected not only in the regional policy focus given to Öresund in both countries but also in the EU's support, notably through INTERREG, which considers Öresund a flagship programme. While progress has been achieved to better link the two regional economies, much remains to be done to remove barriers to integration and to define the strategic positioning of the area for the future. Four key policy challenges need to be addressed. First, regarding physical accessibility, the pricing policy for the crossing of the new bridge can be made more efficient and secondary infrastructure optimised to fully exploit the opportunities brought about by the fixed link. A cross-border committee could be created to allow integrated spatial planning. Second, labour mobility should be increased by removing bureaucratic and legislation obstacles through a new package of active labour market policies. Third, networking and co-operation between firms and educational institutions should be enhanced. Fourth, asymmetries of the two fiscal systems will need to be tackled by a new tax agreement. Most important is the governance framework of the region. While there are numerous common Danish/Swedish regional institutions and rightfully the creation of a heavily bureaucratic governing body has been avoided, the potential for public/private partnerships is far from tapped. Furthermore, the system in place does not provide an appropriate framework for the private sector to fully involve all relevant actors. These conditions will need to be fulfilled and forms of “light institutionalisation” of cross-border relations developed in order to trigger a new dynamism in the integration process.
Topic:
Emerging Markets, International Trade and Finance, Political Economy, and Regional Cooperation
Political Geography:
Denmark and Sweden

64. A Tale of Two Countries: Poverty among Immigrants in Denmark and Sweden since 1984

Author:
Kræn Blume, Björn Gustafsson, Peder Pedersen, and Mette Verner
Publication Date:
04-2003
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
United Nations University
Abstract:
The paper focuses on the problems of low income among immigrants, analysed by using comparable panel datasets for two Scandinavian welfare states. After a brief survey of a few earlier studies on immigrant poverty, we present Denmark and Sweden as interesting cases for comparative research. Cyclical profiles have been very different since the 1980s and both countries have experienced considerable differences with regard to the number and composition of immigrants from the less developed countries. Poverty rates, analysed relative to different background factors, are fairly high, in particular when considering the welfare state background of Denmark and Sweden. A number of differences are found in spite of the institutional similarities between the two countries.
Topic:
Economics, Migration, Political Economy, and Poverty
Political Geography:
Denmark and Sweden

65. Exit Neo-Nazism: Reducing Recruitment and Promoting Disengagement from Racist Groups

Author:
Tore Bjørgo
Publication Date:
06-2002
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Norwegian Institute of International Affairs
Abstract:
Young persons belonging to various types of right-wing extremist groups commit a large proportion of xenophobic and racist attacks. Measures against racial violence should therefore include interventions that reduce and (preferably) dissolve such groups. To be effective, this requires knowledge about how such groups emerge and operate, and in particular, on processes of recruitment and disengagement. Through early intervention, it is possible to reduce recruitment of new members to racist youth groups, and also facilitate (early) disengagement for those who are already involved with the group. Although most members of racist groups leave sooner or later, it is important that they quit sooner rather than later—before they hurt others, and before they have internalised a racist world-view and a violent pattern of behaviour. The article describes reasons for why some young people join racist groups; factors and circumstances that cause most of them eventually to consider disengaging; and what prevents some of them from doing so. The Exit project was started to develop methods and strategies for reducing recruitment and facilitating disengagement from racist groups. Beginning in Norway in 1996–97, the Exit approach was subsequently adopted and developed further in Sweden, with strong results. From there, the Exit approach spread on to Germany, where there are now a number of private and staterun initiatives to promote disengagement from neo-Nazi groups. There are also Exit initiatives in several other European countries.
Topic:
Conflict Resolution, Conflict Prevention, and Ethnic Conflict
Political Geography:
Europe, Palestine, Germany, and Sweden

66. From territorial defence to comprehensive security? European integration and the changing Norwegian and Swedish security identities

Author:
Pernille Rieker
Publication Date:
03-2002
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Norwegian Institute of International Affairs
Abstract:
This paper analyses the relationship between the European integration process and the recent changes in the Norwegian and the Swedish national security identities. The aim of the paper is to compare developments in the Norwegian and the Swedish security identities in the 1990s and to evaluate the extent and scope of Europeanisation in the two cases. The fact that both Norway and Sweden had very traditional security discourses at the beginning of the 1990s and that it is possible to detect shifts away from this traditionalism in parallel with the development towards a European security dimension should prove that a Europeanisation has indeed occurred. While several researchers have studied the influence of the EU on national institutions and policies, less attention has been given to the Europeanisation of national security identities. This paper is therefore an attempt to fill this gap. The fact that Sweden has become a member of the EU while Norway has not also makes these two countries good cases for examining the extent and scope of their respective Europeanisation.
Topic:
International Relations, Security, and Nationalism
Political Geography:
Europe, Norway, and Sweden

67. Euro-Focus, After The German Electoral Storm: Mending Bridges, Rebuilding Confidence

Author:
Simon Serfaty and Christina Balis
Publication Date:
09-2002
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Center for Strategic and International Studies
Abstract:
This past summer began with predictions of the return of a new conservative government in Germany and the alleged demise of Europe's left. The consecutive victories of leftwing parties in Sweden and Germany this month proved the fallacy of both predictions, while raising serious questions in Europe and the United States about the future course of German policies.
Topic:
Economics and Politics
Political Geography:
United States, Europe, Germany, and Sweden

68. What's Trade Got To Do With It? Relative Demand for Skills within Swedish Manufacturing

Author:
Paul Brenton, Bob Anderton, and Eva Oscarsson
Publication Date:
03-2001
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Centre for European Policy Studies
Abstract:
This paper seeks to identify the contribution of trade and technological change to the increase in inequality between skilled and unskilled workers in Sweden since the 1970s. An empirical approach is adopted which allows for the outsourcing of the low-skill parts of the production chain within industries to low-wage locations and is applied to detailed industry and trade data, the latter distinguishing between low-wage sources of imports and OECD countries. Another feature of the study is the use of data on patents to capture technological change. The paper finds that, in contrast to previous studies, trade with low-wage countries may have contributed to the rise in inequality in Swedish manufacturing. Here we identify this effect through changes in relative import prices and through changes in import penetration measured in volume terms. Changes in import penetration measured in value terms, which have been used in previous studies, are not found to be significant. In addition imports seem to have had a larger effect on inequality in high-skill intensive sectors rather than the low-skill sectors. The empirical results also suggest that the increased use of technology also played a role in creating greater inequality between skilled and unskilled workers in Sweden with the magnitude of this impact increasing in the 1990s.
Topic:
Economics, International Trade and Finance, and Political Economy
Political Geography:
Europe and Sweden

69. Skill Upgrading and Production Transfer within Swedish Multinationals in the 1990s

Author:
Pär Hansson
Publication Date:
03-2001
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Centre for European Policy Studies
Abstract:
This paper studies the link between production transfer in Swedish-headquartered multinational enterprises (MNEs) and skill upgrading in Swedish manufacturing in the 1990s. The analysis distinguishes between horizontal and vertical foreign direct investment (FDI). The increased employment share in affiliates in non-OECD countries (vertical FDI) has a non-trivial, significantly positive effect on the share of skilled labour in the Swedish parents. On the other hand, the skill upgrading in the parents is unrelated to employment changes in their affiliates in other OECD countries (horizontal FDI). The latter is consistent with implications of the newly developed horizontal MNE models.
Topic:
Economics, International Trade and Finance, and Political Economy
Political Geography:
Europe and Sweden

70. Global Markets, National Tax Systems, and Domestic Politics: Rebalancing Efficiency and Equity in Open States' Income Taxation

Author:
Steffen Ganghof
Publication Date:
09-2001
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies
Abstract:
Competitive pressure on some capital income tax rates reinforces a generic "quadrilemma" or a four-way tradeoff in domestic income taxation. To maintain competitiveness, governments have to cut some tax rates on capital income down to "international standards." If these cuts lead to a de-alignment of different rates on capital income, domestic allocation becomes more inefficient, all else being equal. Cutting all tax rates on capital income to a uniform low level, while maintaining high and progressive tax rates on labor incomes, avoids this inefficiency, but sacrifices comprehensive income taxation, that is, joint and equal taxation of capital and labor incomes. Finally, reducing all income tax rates to international standards, including top rates on labor income, implies a strong significant reduction in the progressiveness of labor income taxation (and/or significant revenue losses). As a result, governments that aim at all four goals” competitiveness, allocative efficiency, horizontal equity (comprehensive income taxation) and progressivity – and want to maintain a given revenue level cannot avoid seriously compromising one of them. This paper analyzes how this income tax quadrilemma has played out in seven OECD countries: Australia, Denmark, Finland, Germany, New Zealand, Norway, and Sweden. Combining the results of this matched comparison with exploratory data analysis for all OECD countries, the paper discusses the general implications of the quadrilemma for the domestic political economy of tax competition and the future of "domestic compensation" in open states.
Topic:
Economics, International Trade and Finance, and Political Economy
Political Geography:
Finland, Norway, Denmark, Georgia, Australia, Sweden, and New Zealand