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4082. trade, investment, globalisation, Thailand Economic Consequences of Globalisation: Case Study of Thailand 26 December 2019 The paper reviews empirical works examining the effect of globalisation in Thailand, beginning with a discussion of its integration into the economy. Three drivers of … Read More Malaysia, globalisation, trade Globalisation and Economic Development: Malaysia's Experience 23 December 2019 The economic development of Malaysia has been strongly driven and shaped by globalisation, from the pre-colonial to the post-independence period. The country has harnessed trade, … Read More Australia, economic integration, reform, productivity Economic Consequences of Globalisation: The Australian Framework for Reforms
- Author:
- Christopher Findlay, Kotas Mavromaras, and Zhang Wei
- Publication Date:
- 12-2019
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- Economic Research Institute for ASEAN and East Asia (ERIA)
- Abstract:
- Australia has experienced significant reforms to policy affecting trade in goods and services, investment, and people. The contributions of these reforms to growth have been significant. However, the scope remains for significant further reform. The drivers of reforms since World War II are reviewed in this chapter. The consequences of globalisation in Australia and the slowdown in the pace of reform and its consequences, for productivity growth in particular, are also discussed. The Australian experience provides valuable insights for other economies, in relation to the scope and timing of reform and the role of supporting institutions.
- Topic:
- Economics, Globalization, Reform, and Trade
- Political Geography:
- Australia
4083. Globalisation and Economic Development: Malaysia's Experience
- Author:
- Cassey Lee
- Publication Date:
- 12-2019
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- Economic Research Institute for ASEAN and East Asia (ERIA)
- Abstract:
- The economic development of Malaysia has been strongly driven and shaped by globalisation, from the pre-colonial to the post-independence period. The country has harnessed trade, foreign capital, and foreign labour to grow and has transformed its economy from one that was highly dependent on primary commodities (tin and rubber) into one driven by manufactured exports. The impact of globalisation on the Malaysian economy has changed through the various phases of its development experience. The early phases of the country’s engagement with globalisation reduced poverty and inequality. In later stages, excessive dependence on low-skilled foreign labour, although beneficial initially, may have compromised the competitiveness of the economy. Malaysia’s multi-ethnic society has also posed considerable challenges in the balancing of domestic needs and benefits with greater engagement with globalisation. The openness of the Malaysian economy has also made it vulnerable to global economic shocks.
- Topic:
- Globalization, International Trade and Finance, Inequality, and Economic Development
- Political Geography:
- Malaysia and Asia
4084. Economic Consequences of Globalisation: Case Study of Thailand
- Author:
- Archanun Kohpaiboon
- Publication Date:
- 12-2019
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- Economic Research Institute for ASEAN and East Asia (ERIA)
- Abstract:
- The paper reviews empirical works examining the effect of globalisation in Thailand, beginning with a discussion of its integration into the economy. Three drivers of economic globalisation are emphasised: international trade, foreign direct investment, and cross-border labour mobility. The findings point to globalisation’s potential to create a favourable economic impact. Opening up to international trade could promote productivity and drive economic growth. Large foreign direct investment inflows enticed by export-oriented industrialisation are likely to generate horizontal technological spillovers within a given industry; vertical spillovers through the linkages were not a robust result. There is no evidence that employing foreign workers retards firm productivity; rather, the opposite is the case. Well-performing firms are in a position to attract foreign workers and maintain production capacity. Global production sharing (GPS) does not necessarily mean the participating countries are trapped at the low end of the quality ladder. The Thai experience supports the case for further globalising its economy. Any possible side effects of globalisation can be mitigated by other policies such as strengthening the social safety net.
- Topic:
- Globalization, International Trade and Finance, Labor Issues, and Economic growth
- Political Geography:
- Asia and Thailand
4085. From a Common to a National State(s) and the Lithuanian-Polish Dispute
- Author:
- Alfonsas Eidintas
- Publication Date:
- 01-2019
- Content Type:
- Journal Article
- Journal:
- Warsaw East European Review (WEER)
- Institution:
- Centre for East European Studies, University of Warsaw
- Abstract:
- On the occasion of the 100th anniversary of the restoration of the independent states of Poland and Lithuania, we will return to a fundamental question, namely, whether the relationship between our contemporary states, which had already become hostile during the restoration process, is a time of missed opportunities? Or maybe the interests of both sides were simply so different that it was impossible for them to agree on a matter of major importance – state territory (partly also on the issue of national minorities) – and to balance their interests, thus avoiding conflict and a particularly hostile bilateral relationship which lasted until the tragic developments for both Poland and Lithuania in 1939-1940, when our countries fell victim to two tyrants.
- Topic:
- Nationalism, Minorities, Conflict, and State Building
- Political Geography:
- Europe, Eastern Europe, Poland, and Lithuania
4086. The Georgian Herald Samizdat Journal
- Author:
- Aleksandra Gryzlak
- Publication Date:
- 01-2019
- Content Type:
- Journal Article
- Journal:
- Warsaw East European Review (WEER)
- Institution:
- Centre for East European Studies, University of Warsaw
- Abstract:
- From the very beginnings of Soviet rule in Georgia, the communists were not very popular throughout Georgian society and treated as occupants. Almost all active forms of resistance ceased to exist after the bloody suppression of the August Uprising of 19241. The massive purge of the Georgian intelligentsia that followed deprived the nation of its patriotic elites. Only after the death of Stalin and in the wake of Nikita Khrushchev’s famous speech in 1956, did the situation change. Khrushchev’s words of accusation and criticism, leveled at Stalin for his cult of personality and other mistakes, were treated in Georgia as an attack on their nation and an element of Russian chauvinism. It gave rise to a series of mass protests in Tbilisi in March 1956, that were brutally dispersed by the army. Approxi- mately 150 people died as a result2. During the 1950s and 60s, Vasilii Mzhavanadze was the leader of the Georgian Com- munist Party. In keeping with Khrushchev’s strategy of somewhat reduced control over the national republics, one could observe a consolidation of power by the ruling elite in Geor- gia3. This led to the spread of corruption, bribery and other illegal economic operations. Despite a weak economy, according to official statistics, the average Georgian’s savings in the 1970s were nearly twice that of the average Russian. Also, during this time, a very high number of educated specialists – who while graduating, did not take job assignments were still able to live reasonably well. Another phenomenon characteristic for the 1950s and 60s was a growing sense of nationalism. Symptoms of this included a relatively small number of national minority representatives able to gain access to higher education in the Georgian Republic, as well as clear-cut Georgian control over local and national party structures. The situation did not change after the fall of Khrushchev.4 Only in the early 1970s, did things start to change. In 1972, the key position of the First Secretary of the Georgian Communist Party was passed to the former Minister of the Inte- rior – Eduard Shevardnadze, who began his rule with a broad campaign against corruption, overgrown bureaucracy, nepotism, and the so-called “second economy” (black market). Harsh administrative methods used in this campaign brought some positive effects – especially in the agricultural sector – but also resulted in a negative reaction from Georgian society5. Shevardnadze was also supposed to fight against growing Georgian nationalism. Campaigns, that condemned such things as reluctance to learn Russian lan- guage and promotion of national chauvinism in culture, were initiated. The teaching cur- riculum of the subject of history was also put under siege by the new authorities.
- Topic:
- Agriculture, Communism, Corruption, Human Rights, Nationalism, and Culture
- Political Geography:
- Europe, Eastern Europe, Soviet Union, and Georgia
4087. The Privatisation of the Polish Banking Sector
- Author:
- Hubert A. Janiszewski
- Publication Date:
- 01-2019
- Content Type:
- Journal Article
- Journal:
- Warsaw East European Review (WEER)
- Institution:
- Centre for East European Studies, University of Warsaw
- Abstract:
- The Polish banking sector, at the outset of the Balcerowicz reform plan, was com- posed of the central bank (NBP), 9 regional commercial banks (which had spun out from NBP back in 1988): the state savings bank – PKO BP; the state bank handling foreign com- merce – Bank Handlowy SA; the state bank handling retail foreign exchange transfers – PeKaO SA; the state bank for financing the agriculture sector – BGZ; and a number of small cooperative banks – BRE SA a bank financing export industries established in 1986; and a single private bank, albeit with equity provided by state enterprises – BIG SA. The Ministry of Finance faced a formidable task, firstly to restructure the banking sec- tor – primarily commercial banks and at a later stage privatize the whole sector in order to i.a make it market oriented, flexible and serve large chunks of the rapidly privatizing economy as well as to cater to the needs of the population. It should be stressed – to give the full description of the sector, that the percentage of bad loans in all the above-mentioned banks (except BIG, BRE and probably PKO BP) was between 30 to 50% of their portfolios! It was therefore decided by Finance Minister Leszek Balcerowicz and his key staff, that prior to their privatization, restructuring of the banks was the key for their success. The major problem with restructuring was a lack of funding, which was not available as the Polish state was bankrupt and private resources were by far too small, and politi- cally inaccessible; moreover the parliament would not allow creation of additional debt by way of equity injections to the ailing banking sector. Under those difficult conditions Balcerowicz managed to pass through parliament a set of legislation on restructuring the economy including banks, which allowed for the provision of banks with so-called restructuring bonds (a special law had been enacted called the “Law on financial restructuring of banks and enterprises”) to strengthen their balance sheets and force them to individually, over time, repay such new debts. In order to guide and help the banks with the restructuring, with the assistance of the British Government, the so-called British Know How Fund was created, whose purpose was to provide professional advice and assistance to all commercial banks. This advice was strengthened by a so-called “twinning arrangement”, under which each of the nine commercial banks was provided with a “twin partner” in the form of an established western bank. Among the banks that participated in this scheme were the Allied Irish Bank (twinned to WBK based in Poznan), ING (Bank Śląski in Katowice) and the Midland Bank (Bank Za- chodni in Wroclaw). The whole operation was launched in early 1990 and was completed by early 1993, thus most of the commercial banks were potentially ”ready” for privatization with substan- tially improved balance sheets. Parallel to the above, all the other banks embarked on the restructuring of their balance sheets, if only in order to stay competitive in the market.
- Topic:
- Privatization, Finance, State Capitalism, and Banking
- Political Geography:
- Europe, Eastern Europe, and Poland
4088. The Role and Activities of the Eastern European Group within the United Nations System
- Author:
- Boguslaw Wind
- Publication Date:
- 01-2019
- Content Type:
- Journal Article
- Journal:
- Warsaw East European Review (WEER)
- Institution:
- Centre for East European Studies, University of Warsaw
- Abstract:
- Thank you very much for the invitation and thank you for allowing me to speak to you about the United Nations and its role in Central and Eastern Europe. This is probably the first time in the history of our conference that we are discussing the United Nations. I will argue that there is a lot that we as Eastern Europeans can do together and how our coop- eration within the UN can be more fruitful and useful for all. I would like to first discuss how we can cooperate better in the General Assembly, Security Council and the United Nations Secretariat. Where are the opportunities? Where are the challenges? What else should we consider and be aware of? Let us begin with the historical context: what has been the role of the UN for Central and Eastern European countries? During the communist era, we were denied indepen- dence or sovereignty, thus the real interests of our countries were not represented on the global stage. There were of course communist embassies, very close coordination with Soviet diplomats, and weekly or even daily instructions coming from Moscow. This was the case until 1989. Then communism collapsed and our countries regained their inde- pendence and sovereignty. Initially, in the early 1990s, the UN was visibly present in East- ern Europe as a result of civil wars and ethnic conflicts. UN peacekeepers were a familiar sight, serving on various missions seeking to reestablish peace and stability. Then, I would argue, the role of the United Nations in our regional diplomacy and politics declined as the 20th century drew to a close and the 21st century began. This was due to the very powerful roles played by the European Union, NATO and the OSCE. These organizations eclipsed in importance the seemingly distant United Nations in New York City. Now, the situation is changing again, and we are witnessing a resurgence of the UN’s impact on Polish and European diplomacy. The UN is gradually reestablishing its role as useful platform through which Poland can play an active and leading role in promoting the political and economic interests of our region. It is particularly noteworthy that the Polish Minister of Foreign Affairs Jacek Czaputowicz spent the majority of May 2018 in New York – not enjoying the beautiful Big Apple, but working long hours, leading the various debates within the Security Council – giving Polish foreign policy a critical platform on the world stage.
- Topic:
- Foreign Policy, International Cooperation, Regional Cooperation, and United Nations
- Political Geography:
- Europe, Eastern Europe, and Poland
4089. Introduction to the Round Table on Building a Modern and Robust Banking System: Poland’s Experience after 1989
- Author:
- Stefan Kawalec
- Publication Date:
- 01-2019
- Content Type:
- Journal Article
- Journal:
- Warsaw East European Review (WEER)
- Institution:
- Centre for East European Studies, University of Warsaw
- Abstract:
- Poland was the first country of the Soviet bloc in which a non-communist government was created following the period of the cold war. This was the government of Tadeusz Mazowiecki called into being on September 12, 1989. The government announced imme- diately that the economic system would be changed. The government did not propose a third way. It said that a market economy would be introduced, based on private ownership with a freely exchangeable currency. After this transformation of the socialist economy into a capitalist economy was announced, the government acted very quickly to realize this goal. The change of the economic system entailed a great undertaking, consisting of the creation of a banking system adapted to the needs of a market economy. In the socialist economy, there was no money in the true sense of the word. Money served only a certain limited purpose related to the distribution of consumer goods, but not for all such goods. A significant portion of consumer goods were distributed through the use of ration cards, special coupons or through informal channels such as sales made under the counter. En- terprises had their inputs and outputs rationed. The simple fact that an enterprise had złotys on its account did not give the enterprise the right to buy the necessary goods, if the rights to obtain such goods were not included in the appropriate distribution list. Having złotys was also insufficient for purchasing goods from abroad. For that one needed foreign currency -- which also was rationed in accordance with the distribution lists.
- Topic:
- Communism, Democracy, Finance, and Banking
- Political Geography:
- Europe, Eastern Europe, and Poland
4090. Independence by Muslim Communists: “Narimanovshchina”, the Downfall of National Communists in Azerbaijan
- Author:
- Shahla Kazimova
- Publication Date:
- 01-2019
- Content Type:
- Journal Article
- Journal:
- Warsaw East European Review (WEER)
- Institution:
- Centre for East European Studies, University of Warsaw
- Abstract:
- After the Soviet occupation of Azerbaijan in April 1920, the country had undergone major sovietization. The troops of the 11th Red Army, which were allegedly supposed to be sent to support fighting in Anatolia, but stayed in place, brought the totalitarian reigns of terror and repression. An occupation regime was introduced in the country. Despite formal independence Azerbaijan was subject to the decisions of the Russian Bolsheviks. In order to take over the country, the Soviets proclaimed a local puppet-government on April 28, 1920, comprised of local communists, with a prominent local politician – Nariman Narimanov – as the chairman. He was also appointed the Commissioner for Foreign Affairs. The choice of Narimanov was not incidental. He was the most renowned and influen- tial Azerbaijani communist, heard of both n the Caucasus and among central authorities in Moscow. He was in favour of the sovietization of Azerbaijan, which he deemed as the first step towards spreading revolution among the Muslim East.1 Recent studies on the history of the sovietisation of Azerbaijan clearly show that the Soviet government wanted to use the leader of the Azerbaijan communists as a symbol of the revolution from the very be- ginning, although it did not intend to give him real political power. Stalin’s letter of August 16, 1919, to Foreign Affairs Commissioner Georgy Chicherin, testifies to these plans "Karakhan’s presence in the People’s Commissariat of Foreign Affairs (hereinafter Narko- mindel), Armenian in origin, the only “man from the East” who was supposed to represent Mus- lim nations outside, does not sound good, distorts harmony in our Eastern policy, weakens the strength and effect of our policy in the eyes of the nations of the East and above all Muslims... Taking this into account, during a visit in Moscow, I proposed to Lenin’s companion to raise the question in the Central Committee of changing Karakhan to someone from the Muslims, even with medium party preparation. Narimanov is for me one such Muslim, and this is not a problem if he lacks a global political vision: after all, he will not lead the politics but CC and Narkomindel. Narimanov is important as a banner. Such a change of scenery, or at least the removal of Karakhan from the East Department and bringing a Muslim to the forefront, I find an absolute necessity. If this is interesting, I can inform you that comrade Lenin expressed his full support. Such a change would be immediately noticed among Muslims (...). To object to the fact that Narimanov does not know the Far East, that he is old and slow, for me is not decisive, because I never thought that Narimanov would be in charge of Eastern policy. I repeat, he is just a banner and decoration for me" In the light of these data, questions arise about who Narimanov was. An idealist, naive romantic, cynic or cheated politician? To try to answer these questions, it is worth a closer look. Because Narimanov was the face of the sovietisation of Azerbaijan, the answer to the above questions will also answer to whether the Azerbaijani Socialist Republic was indeed independent.
- Topic:
- Nationalism, Religion, Minorities, and Independence
- Political Geography:
- Europe, Eastern Europe, Soviet Union, and Azerbaijan