Search

Begin New Search Topic Identity

11. Israeli-Ukrainian Relations after ‘the Euromaidan Revolution’ – the Holocaust and the New Ukrainian Identity in the Context of the European Aspirations of Ukraine

Author:
Jakub Bornio
Publication Date:
01-2018
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Institution:
Polish Political Science Association (PPSA)
Abstract:
The Euromaidan revolution totally reoriented Ukraine’s policy in both internal and external dimensions. The new Ukrainian authorities facing Russian aggression and domestic instability started to build a new national identity in order to consolidate social cohesion. Due to the fact that Kiev’s new historical narrative glorifies the Ukrainian nation- alists from the Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) who contributed to the Holocaust of Jews and committed mass murders on the representatives of other nationalities, such a policy may be a serious obstacle in the context of Ukraine’s external relations. The present article investigates particularly Israeli- Ukrainian relations after the Euromaidan revolution. The article analyses the impact of the new Ukrainian identity on bilateral relations as well as attempting to answer whether or not it may influence Kiev’s cooperation with the European Union. The article contains a brief de- scription of the new identity building process in the post-Euromaidan Ukraine with special consideration of those elements of it, which are related to “Ukrainian Nationalism”.
Topic:
Nationalism, European Union, Holocaust, Memory, and Identity
Political Geography:
Europe and Ukraine

12. Beyond “Recognition”. The Polish Perspectives on Israeli and Palestinian National Identities: Preliminary Assumptions of Research

Author:
Jaroslaw Jarzabek and Marcin Szydzisz
Publication Date:
01-2018
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Institution:
Polish Political Science Association (PPSA)
Abstract:
The paper aims to provide an overview of the main streams of perception of Israeli and Palestinian national identities by Polish authorities and society, as well as analyze their sources. The study covers the period of time when both of the national identities took shape, that is since the beginning of the mass Jewish migration to Palestine at the beginning of the XXth century until the present time. As the Jews have for a long time been an impor- tant part of Polish history and society, Poles have a strong perception of Jewish, and conse- quently also Israeli, identity. Polish Jews, who played a crucial role in establishing the Israeli state and shaping Israeli national identity, were treated by many Poles as “our Jews”. This perception was conditioned by internal factors, such as social relations, cultural proximity, historical memory or political views. In contrast, a perception of the Palestinian identity from the very beginning was conditioned externally, because it resulted from international political developments and a narrative imposed by foreign powers. Another special feature of the Polish perception of Israeli and Palestinian identity is the fact that public opinion very often differs significantly from the political position of state authorities.
Topic:
Nationalism, Culture, State Building, and Identity
Political Geography:
Middle East, Israel, and Palestine

13. Dual Citizenship in Poland and in Israel: Selected Legal Aspects in a Comparative Perspective

Author:
Przemysław Zawada
Publication Date:
01-2018
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Institution:
Polish Political Science Association (PPSA)
Abstract:
The tragic years of World War II, followed by the unfriendly communist policy in Poland towards the Jewish community, changed the country from a multicultural into the most homogeneous state in the European Union nowadays. At the same time, Israel, as a meeting place for various cultures, enjoys the influence of inhabitants from nearly all over the world. The dissimilar experiences and problems faced by the governing bodies should influence different approaches to dual citizenship in Poland and Israel. In view of the above, in the presented work the author would like to analyze the issue of the legal approach to dual citizenship both in Poland and in Israel. The main goal of the paper, beyond comparison of the effectiveness of the legislations, is finding the answer to the question: what is the state’s attitude towards the issue of the dual citizenship of their citizens? The hypothesis that the article will verify states, that due to the small number of people with dual citizenship in Poland, Polish legislation devoted to this topic is not extensive and has dissimilarities to the law in Israel, which, in contrast, is more complex and better responds to the needs of society. The reason for comparing Poland and Israel is the fact that Polish citizenship has been very popular among the citizens of the Jewish state, especially since 2004 when Poland became a member of the European Union. This issue in the long run may be one of the key determi- nants of Polish-Israeli and Polish-Jewish relations.
Topic:
Nationalism, Citizenship, Dual Citizenship, and Identity
Political Geography:
Europe, Middle East, Israel, and Poland

14. What is Left from the Identity of the State of Israel Proclaimed in the Declaration of Independence?

Author:
Mordechai Schenhav
Publication Date:
01-2018
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Institution:
Polish Political Science Association (PPSA)
Abstract:
The purpose of this article is twofold. First, to look at the Identity of Israel as both Jewish and democratic State in its Declaration of Independence and the status it acquired over the years within the Constitutional and law system. The second, to examine, through the evolution of the enounced principle of equality in the situation of economic, gender, reli- gious and national minorities, how it was implemented and what has changed after 70 years. From the outset, the Declaration was not given a constitutional status but later the Supreme Court gave it an interpretive quality. With the two Basic Laws on Human Rights, limited as they were, it gave the Supreme Court much more advantage to intervene and impose the Identity of the State as Jewish and democratic in its interpretations of laws in spite of strong criticism and even to influence and criticize the Knesset legislation. However, Israel is still not a true liberal Democracy since the rights within it are determined more according to the ethnic-national religious belonging of the person than according to its citizenship and the principle of equality is only partially adopted in practice with different degrees as regards the various minorities. In some aspects, it even moves away from the original intended Iden- tity of an exemplary liberal Democratic Nation State.
Topic:
Nationalism, Law, Legislation, State Building, Identity, and Equality
Political Geography:
Middle East and Israel

15. The Born Frees as Assertive Citizens? Student Protests and Democratic Prospects in South Africa

Author:
Dagmar Kusa
Publication Date:
01-2018
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Polish Political Science Yearbook
Institution:
Polish Political Science Association (PPSA)
Abstract:
Massive student protests in South Africa in the past few years, largest since the times of the anti-apartheid struggles, raised several questions for political scientists. Are we witnessing a generational change? Or are they a sign of a broader global shift towards “asser- tive citizenship” present in advanced democracies and democratizing countries? To answer these questions, this paper examines the levels of political support and nature of political participation among the young generation. The paper also points out that generational change is not immediately visible in public opinion polls but is a process of a gradual narrative construction. Protests brought with them a challenge to the founding narrative of a united Rainbow Nation and reconciliation with the past, leading to a fracture in democratic stability. For the democratic project to suc- ceed, it is essential that the national project in South Africa does not fall apart.
Topic:
Apartheid, Political Parties, Participation, Transition, and Identity
Political Geography:
Africa and South Africa

16. “I Am 100% Central African:" Identity and Inclusion in the Experience of Central African Muslim Refugees in Chad and Cameroon

Author:
Enrica Picco
Publication Date:
05-2018
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
The International Center for Transitional Justice (ICTJ)
Abstract:
Over the past five years, the current crisis in the Central African Republic (CAR) has forced more than a million people, out of a population of a little more than four million, to flee their homes. Although the crisis follows years of political instability and state fragility, the country had never experienced such diffuse and horrific violence among communities, neighbors, and members of the same family or such deep tearing of its social fabric. Despite many international efforts to facilitate peace and stabilization, armed groups still operate throughout the country. The return of refugees—which seemed likely only one year ago—is now impossible because of increased sectarian attacks. As the country has plunged again into an acute humanitarian crisis, discussions on reconciliation and justice have been put almost completely on hold. This research report is based on qualitative interviews with Central African refugees living in Chad and Cameroon and members of national and international organizations. More specifically, it focuses on Muslim and Peuhl communities that fled from Bangui and the western regions of the country at the peak of the sectarian violence (late 2013 to early 2014). Given that identity-related issues, including long-standing discrimination against Muslims, are among the root causes of the conflict, it can be expected that some of the refugees interviewed for this study are among those most likely to experience barriers to rebuilding social ties within their community of origin if and when they return. Interviewees were asked about their experience of displacement and their intentions and concerns regarding return, reconciliation, and justice. The research findings show that a lack of inclusion is a crucial underlying issue in most of the refugees’ experiences and, therefore, their concerns for the future. In a country where access to state services and jobs has often been closed to those not considered to be truly “Central African”—due to their place of origin, ethnicity, or religion—a politics of inclusion would represent an important change. It would help to put CAR on the path of renewed, peaceful coexistence after violent conflict. Making minority groups feel like they are part of a common nation-building project would also mean finally recognizing them as Central African citizens. This would in turn have an important impact on their own identity, which has been so deeply challenged by years of discrimination that refugees used a narrative of “us-them” in speaking about those who remained in CAR, referring to them as “Central Africans,” thereby suggesting that they themselves were not perceived to be Central African.
Topic:
Religion, Refugees, Refugee Crisis, Identity, and Inclusion
Political Geography:
Chad and Cameroon

17. Cyberactivity in Postmodern Revolutions / El ciberactivismo en las revoluciones posmodernas

Author:
Dario Cortés and Tannia Garzón
Publication Date:
06-2017
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Journal on International Security Studies (RESI)
Institution:
International Security Studies Group (GESI) at the University of Granada
Abstract:
Bearing in mind the technological context in which the action of global society revolves around and the influence that the digital age has on human daily life, it can be inferred that the technological component has become an influential factor within social phenomena, according to the search for structural social changes and at the same time can produce some concerns and risks to the stability of the ruling systems of government, for which this research has been proposed, in order to demonstrate the actions and factors that make these facts tangible, which are exposed above.
Topic:
Social Movement, Revolution, Insurrection, and Identity
Political Geography:
Global Focus

18. Where Does Europe Begin and End?

Author:
Vaclav Havel Library
Publication Date:
05-2017
Content Type:
Video
Institution:
Vaclav Havel Library
Abstract:
The Václav Havel European Dialogues raise and discuss Eu- rope-wide issues with a view to the political, philosophical and spiritual legacy of Václav Havel. The conference’s one- day format creates a forum where major European thinkers, analysts, politicians and other experts can come together and discuss topical issues facing Europe, not only among themselves but also with the public.
Topic:
Regional Cooperation, European Union, Geopolitics, Integration, and Identity
Political Geography:
Europe

19. New Forms of Collective Identity in Europe

Author:
Denica Yotova
Publication Date:
07-2017
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Journal of Liberty and International Affairs
Institution:
Institute for Research and European Studies (IRES)
Abstract:
This article suggests an answer to the question of national identity and belonging to nation-states in an avant-garde Europe. In other words, it examines: what might the avant-garde of national identity in Europe in the XXI century be; will nationalities and simple belonging to nation-states be sufficient for Europeans; what is the vitality and the potential of pan-European identity to fill the gaps of national identity; and how the two strains of belonging relate to each other. The central argument is built around the idea of the clash between neonationalism and postnationalism in the form of pan-Europeanism, in which new forms of collective identity in Europe are emerging.
Topic:
Nationalism, European Union, Postnationalism, and Identity
Political Geography:
Europe

20. From “Primordial” to “Pragmatic” Identity: A Search for Regional Identity in East Asia

Author:
Jun-Seok Kim
Publication Date:
07-2010
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
East Asia Institute (EAI)
Abstract:
In 2009, two interesting proposals for community building in East Asia were put forward: Kevin Rudd, then serving as Australia’s prime minister, proposed the creation of an Asia Pacific Community (APC) and then-Japanese prime minister Yukio Hatoyama proposed an East Asian Community (EAC). Claiming that Australia should get more deeply involved in Asia, Rudd described his vision of what an APC should look like. Of the most importance, it should be all-embracing. All the major powers in the Asia-Pacific region should take part, including the United States, Australia, Japan, China, South Korea, India, and Indonesia. The APC should also focus on both security and economic issues. In the meantime, Hatoyama, in a New York Times op-ed, came up with the idea of an East Asian Community as the cornerstone of his administration’s Asia policy. While the idea of the EAC was not totally fleshed out, he indicated that the group would include China, Japan, and South Korea as its core members. Hatoyama did not make it clear whether the United States would be invited, although he made no secret of his perception that the era of U.S.-led unilateralism and globalism was coming to an end. In this new period of growing multipolarity, he seemed to believe, it was imperative for Japan to reconceptualize East Asia, the world’s fastest-growing region which now accounts for one quarter of the total GDP of the world, as its own “basic sphere of being.” Prime Minister Hatoyama tried his best not to give the impression that he favored East Asia over the United States (or over the West as a whole). But, it seemed quite obvious that he wanted to see Japan more consciously autonomous from the United States than had been the case under the prolonged rule of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) governments. What prompted Rudd of Australia and Hatoyama of Japan to propose the creation of Asia Pacific and East Asian communities upon taking office? A probable cause can be found in the shift in relative power, especially between China, Japan, and the United States, that has long been in progress over the last decade. Both Rudd and Hatoyama were aware of this change. Rudd, for instance, explained that global economic and strategic weight was now shifting to Asia. Hatoyama has also conceded that China would surpass Japan in economic size “in the not-too-distant-future.” One might suspect, therefore, that their initiatives were nothing more than temporary expedients designed to cope with the recently changed international environment. That might be the case—or not. But whatever the two leaders’ underlying intent, their initiatives no doubt constituted significant contributions to a series of efforts to bring about community-type regional organizations in East Asia. From 1989 on, when APEC was first created, and especially in the aftermath of the Asian financial crisis of 1997-98, a succession of regional organizations came into being in East Asia, with the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) in 1993, ASEAN+3 in 1997, and the East Asian Summit (EAS) in 2005 being the most representative. Since the first meeting of the EAS was held in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia in 2005, in particular, interest in the possibility of building an East Asian Community has become widespread. Although controversies over the proper geographical scope of such a community remain far from settled, with some countries favoring extensive, elastic membership and others favoring a limited, restrictive one, community-building in East Asia is now looked upon as a goal that is worthy of being pursued for its own sake. Australia’s and Japan’s initiatives, probably spurred by geostrategic considerations and not immediately realizable, will surely strengthen the case for an East Asian Community. At the very least, two initiatives have demonstrated the continued interest in an East Asian Community among politicians and decision-makers of East Asian countries.
Topic:
Security, Regional Cooperation, Community, and Identity
Political Geography:
Japan, China, East Asia, Asia, and South Korea