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612. China-Southeast Asia Relations
- Author:
- Robert Sutter and Chin-Hao Huang
- Publication Date:
- 07-2010
- Content Type:
- Journal Article
- Journal:
- Comparative Connections
- Institution:
- Center for Strategic and International Studies
- Abstract:
- Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao traveled to the remote Myanmar capital during a swing through Asia in May and June, marking the first official visit by a Chinese premier in 16 years. Wen had planned to visit Brunei, Myanmar, and Indonesia in April but was compelled to cancel that trip due to a major earthquake in Qinghai province. Vice President Xi Jinping advanced Chinese relations with a visit to Australia, New Zealand and Laos in mid-June. Chinese officials and authoritative media generally avoided taking sides in the deepening and increasingly violent internal crisis in Thailand. A variety of reporting and private disclosures by Vietnamese officials indicated more serious Sino-Vietnamese frictions over disputed claims in the South China Sea than previously indicated. Maneuvers by Chinese naval forces over disputed territories and related claims caught the attention of regional observers and the US, deepening concerns regarding Chinese objectives.
- Topic:
- Bilateral Relations
- Political Geography:
- United States, China, Asia, Vietnam, Australia, Thailand, Southeast Asia, New Zealand, and Myanmar
613. Chronology of China-Southeast Asia Relations
- Publication Date:
- 07-2010
- Content Type:
- Journal Article
- Journal:
- Comparative Connections
- Institution:
- Center for Strategic and International Studies
- Abstract:
- No abstract is available.
- Topic:
- Bilateral Relations
- Political Geography:
- China and Southeast Asia
614. South Korea-North Korea Relations
- Author:
- Aidan Foster-Carter
- Publication Date:
- 07-2010
- Content Type:
- Journal Article
- Journal:
- Comparative Connections
- Institution:
- Center for Strategic and International Studies
- Abstract:
- To state what in my country we call the bleedin' obvious, this was the worst quarter in inter-Korean relations of the near-decade (starting in 2001) that Comparative Connections has been covering this relationship. On the rare occasions when the peninsula makes global headlines, or even more rarely moves markets, it tends not to be good news. Thus it was on May 24-25, when for the first time in many years the world seriously wondered whether the two Koreas might go to war again – almost 60 years after they fatefully did so the first time. Fortunately both backed away from the brink. On closer inspection there was both more and less to this than at first met the eye. But it was a perilous moment; and though it now seems to have passed, it leaves North-South relations in a pit from which no easy exit is apparent. The cause, of course, is the sinking of the ROK corvette Cheonan on March 26. Yet this did not erupt as a crisis until late May. The course of those two months is fascinating in its own right, and has been under-examined in the welter of comment and controversy. It reveals, we suggest, an odd mix of tactical skill and strategic flailing by Seoul. As of early July, with ROK President Lee Myung-bak still smarting from an unexpected rebuff in local elections a month ago, one must conclude that North Korea's torpedo scored a bulls-eye. Despite delivering a remarkable economic recovery and chairing the G20, “bulldozer” Lee is now on the back foot: just as Kim Jong-il intended. It was nasty and negative, but it worked. In Pyongyang's eyes, this counts as a win – even though from any sensible perspective it is a loss for both Koreas, and their relations.
- Topic:
- Bilateral Relations
- Political Geography:
- South Korea, North Korea, and Sinai Peninsula
615. China-Korea Relations
- Author:
- Scott Snyder
- Publication Date:
- 07-2010
- Content Type:
- Journal Article
- Journal:
- Comparative Connections
- Institution:
- Center for Strategic and International Studies
- Abstract:
- The March 26 sinking of the South Korean warship Cheonan in the West Sea that killed 46 soldiers served as the backdrop for a series of high-level exchanges between China and the two Koreas as China came under international pressure to provide a tough response to the incident. Kim Jong-il paid an “unofficial” visit to China on May 3-7 and met President Hu Jintao in Beijing, days after ROK President Lee Myung-bak's summit with Hu. Kim's delegation included senior officials from the Foreign Ministry, Worker's Party of Korea, and the DPRK Cabinet. Lee attended the April 30 opening ceremony of the 2010 World Expo in Shanghai, where President Hu also met the DPRK's top legislator Kim Yong Nam. Lee and Hu held another round of bilateral talks on the sidelines of the G20 Summit on June 26 in Toronto, where they pledged to strengthen the China-ROK strategic cooperative partnership despite unresolved tensions over North Korea. Premier Wen Jiabao paid a three-day visit to South Korea on May 28-30 and met President Lee in Seoul prior to the third China-ROK-Japan trilateral meeting in Jeju. Foreign Ministers Yu Myung-hwan and Yang Jiechi also held talks on the sidelines of the fourth trilateral foreign ministers meeting with Japan on May 15-16 in Gyeongju.
- Topic:
- Bilateral Relations
- Political Geography:
- China, North Korea, and Korea
616. Quelle politique pour l'UE au Zimbabwe aujourd'hui?
- Author:
- Vincent Darracq
- Publication Date:
- 12-2010
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- European Union Institute for Security Studies
- Abstract:
- Après l'entrée en vigueur au Zimbabwe du Global Political Agreement (GPA) en septembre 2008 et la formation du Gouvernement d'Unité nationale (GNU) rassemblant ZANU-PF et opposition en février 2009, la politique européenne n'a pas connu de modification fondamentale : elle s'articule toujours autour d'un double arsenal de « sanctions » établi en 2002, constitué de mesures restrictives et appropriées, et seulement révisé à la marge en février 2010. De nouveaux développements ont cependant eu lieu : la reprise du dialogue politique dans le cadre de l'Article 8 de l'Accord de Cotonou et une augmentation substantielle d'une aide humanitaire s'apparentant à de l'aide au développement qui ne dit pas son nom. Une relation nouvelle s'est également engagée sur le sujet entre l'UE et l'Afrique du Sud, l'acteur régional dominant, depuis l'arrivée au pouvoir à Pretoria du président Jacob Zuma en mai 2009. Sur le problème zimbabwéen, l'Afrique du Sud s'est imposée depuis 2000 comme l'interlocuteur et l'intermédiaire incontournable, et a de fait pris en charge, sous mandats de l'Union Africaine, de la SADC ou du Commonwealth, les discussions successives entre acteurs zimbabwéens. Sous Zuma, les échanges UE-Afrique du Sud sur la question zimbabwéenne sont plus francs et cordiaux. La tenue probable d'élections anticipées en 2011 a en particulier été identifiée par les deux partenaires comme une opportunité de travailler en bonne entente pour favoriser une sortie de crise. Mais l'Afrique du Sud reste contrainte dans son action par la SADC, ce qui incarne la dimension proprement régionale de la crise zimbabwéenne, et par l'intransigeance de l'UE sur sa politique de sanctions.
- Topic:
- Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, and Bilateral Relations
- Political Geography:
- Africa and Zimbabwe
617. Russia-EU cooperation on energy efficiency: Enthusiasm and challenges ahead
- Author:
- Vadim Kononenko
- Publication Date:
- 11-2010
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- Finnish Institute of International Affairs
- Abstract:
- The adoption of the new energy efficiency legislation in Russia in 2009 has led to anticipation that a new exciting avenue of cooperation is about to open up in Russia-EU relations. The EU has been called upon to support the Russian initiatives as they would make its energy relations with Russia more stable. Furthermore, because both Russia and the EU are working towards the same goal of making their respective economies more energy efficient, the two are natural partners. This partnership is often postulated in terms of transferring European investments and technologies to Russia’s emerging energy efficiency market.
- Topic:
- Security, Energy Policy, and Bilateral Relations
- Political Geography:
- Russia and Europe
618. Do Regional Organizations Travel? European Integration, Diffusion and the Case of ASEAN
- Author:
- Anja Jetschke
- Publication Date:
- 10-2010
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- The Kolleg-Forschergruppe (KFG)
- Abstract:
- Why do regional organizations share a number of key institutions and policies? Why do regional organizations like the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) or the Carribean Community (CARICOM) look like the European Union? And why do we find the norms of the Helsinki Final Act in treaties of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)? The simple answer is that policy solutions developed in the context of regional integration diffuse. The paper contends that regional integration efforts in Europe have had a decisive but often unacknowledged influence on regional cooperation outside of Europe. The influence of European integration on regional organizations beyond Europe will be illustrated with a case that is unsuspicious of having emulated the European integration experience: The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Since 1957, Southeast Asian states have selectively taken over policies and institutions from the European context. The most recent adoption, it will be argued, is the ASEAN Charter, in effect since November 2008. In accounting for this adoption, the paper argues that ASEAN members' decision is only partially driven by genuine regional or functional demands. Members borrowed from “abroad” expecting the Charter to provide a policy solution to the cooperation problems members faced. Thus, the paper makes an original general contribution to the existing literature on regional integration: It argues that a full account of regional integration processes needs to take diffusion processes into consideration.
- Topic:
- Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, and Bilateral Relations
- Political Geography:
- Africa, Europe, and Southeast Asia
619. Israel's troubled relationship with Turkey and Iran: the "periphery" dimension
- Author:
- Yossi Alpher
- Publication Date:
- 12-2010
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- Norwegian Centre for Conflict Resolution
- Abstract:
- Israel's approach to Turkey and Iran must be understood against the backdrop of its “periphery doctrine” of forming alliances with non-Arab and non-Muslim regional actors and its search for a Middle Eastern identity. The “periphery strategy” it pursued in the 1950s led to alliances with, among others, Turkey and Iran, who were viewed as natural allies against the hostile and powerful Arab “centre” spearheaded by Nasserism. In Israel's eyes, “periphery” peoples also seemed to have broadly accepted the legitimacy of having a Jewish state in the heart of the Middle East.
- Topic:
- Diplomacy and Bilateral Relations
- Political Geography:
- Iran, Turkey, Middle East, Israel, and Arabia
620. Trade Disputes Between China and the United States: Growing Pains so Far, Worse Ahead?
- Author:
- Gary Clyde Hufbauer and Jared C. Woollacott
- Publication Date:
- 12-2010
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- Peterson Institute for International Economics
- Abstract:
- This study covers the history of Sino-US trade relations with a particular focus on the past decade, during which time each has been a member of the World Trade Organization (WTO). Providing a brief history of 19th and 20th century economic relations, this paper examines in detail the trade disputes that have arisen between China and the United States over the past decade, giving dollar estimates for the trade flows at issue. Each country has partaken in their share of protectionist measures, however, US measures have been characteristically defensive, protecting declining industries, while Chinese measures have been characteristically offensive, promoting nascent industries. We also cover administrative and legislation actions within each country that have yet to be the subject of formal complaint at the WTO. This includes an original and comprehensive quantitative summary of US Section 337 intellectual property rights cases. While we view the frictions in Sino-US trade a logical consequence of the rapid increase in flows between the two countries, we caution that each country work within the WTO framework and respect any adverse decisions it delivers so that a protracted protectionist conflict does not emerge. We see the current currency battle as one potential catalyst for such conflict if US and Chinese policymakers fail to manage it judiciously.
- Topic:
- Economics, International Trade and Finance, Markets, and Bilateral Relations
- Political Geography:
- United States and China