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Begin New Search Topic Political Participation Publication Year within 25 Years

31. The Role of CSOs in Political Participation and Democratization in Jordan

Author:
Zaid Eyadat and Alakyaz Assadorian
Publication Date:
10-2021
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Center for Strategic Studies (CSS)
Abstract:
As the term 'civil society' nears the centennial of introduction to public debate, it is nigh time to reflect on the impact and challenges of the Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) in Jordan. Despite noteworthy progress accomplished in the societal and political spheres, there is a number of challenges for CSOs in the current environment. Several crossroads ahead of the more effective and efficient role of the CSOs hinder their future role. The pervasive challenge for CSOs throughout the years has been the delineation of their roles in civic space. Throughout the upturns and downfalls of the last century, the absence of a specific legal definition, by which the local community, governmental and non-governmental institutions and scholars work, the influence of CSOs necessarily remains limited. The lack of a clear definition particularly challenges the impact on political participation and democratization. Over decades, the gap between a false sense of power granted and the actual impactfulness of CSOs in Jordan grew. The crucial challenge seems to remain the regime's effort to install a system of social control over associational activities rendering them easily predictable. Hence civil organizations were encouraged in the appellation of "political liberalization." Jordan essentially introduced a defense mechanism against instability and economic/political crisis. Hardly exceptional case in the region with similar systems, particularly in Egypt and Morocco. Today, CSOs continue to face these challenges, seriously hindering their role in instituting political reform in Jordan. Unable to mobilize grassroots movements on a large scale and rally a broad constituency, many CSOs are closing towards the regime-made glass ceiling. The lack of a clear, unified registration body for CSOs keeps the opportunity for cronyism in finance distribution by the dispersion of the decision-making process. Additionally, for political-oriented CSOs, the diffusion of their efforts and complicated alliance-building hinders their effectiveness in challenging regime democratization. Still, the present conditions to CSOs' governance are but one of several challenges, most important of which is funding related [3]. Even within the stipulated government-granted boundaries, many CSOs face the challenge of attracting financial backing for various reasons, from the lack of "professionalism" for foreign investors to the very niche nature of their purpose and pervasive cronyism. This study aims to help CSOs to help them to adjust and enhance their internal governance and capacities in reaching out to their target communities and improve self-presentation. Therefore, this project is introducing evidence-based data to identify possible gaps and assist in developing necessary capacities. In this paper, we discuss the position of Jordanian CSOs, how their role in political participation and democratization is shaped, what challenges obscure their participation potential in political change and peaceful democratic transition, and the means for activating and better engaging CSOs in the decision-making process.
Topic:
Civil Society, Democratization, Institutions, Civil Society Organizations, and Political Participation
Political Geography:
Middle East and Jordan

32. Turks and Caicos Islands House of Assembly Elections: Technical Observation and Assessment Report

Author:
Anthony Banbury
Publication Date:
04-2021
Content Type:
Commentary and Analysis
Institution:
International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES)
Abstract:
The Turks and Caicos Islands (TCI) held elections for the House of Assembly on February 19, 2021. At the invitation of the TCI governor and funded by the UK government, an independent team of elections experts from the International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES) conducted an in-person technical observation and assessment. The IFES mission employed a modified version of IFES’ Technical Election Assessment Methodology, which allows for a broader assessment of the electoral process and context.
Topic:
Government, Elections, Voting, Election Observation, and Political Participation
Political Geography:
Caribbean, North America, and Turks and Caicos Islands

33. Gender-Sensitive Indicators for Early Lorem Ipsum Warning of Violence Dolor Sit and Conflict

Author:
Louise Allen and Gina Chirillo
Publication Date:
05-2021
Content Type:
Research Paper
Institution:
International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES)
Abstract:
Conflict and violence monitoring and early warning systems can save lives. Gender-sensitive indicators help provide nuanced and complete contextual information to strengthen the systems’ predictive capacity, but their integration has been infrequent and inconsistent. Overlooking gender in early warning risks ignoring gender norms or behaviors that contribute to violence. It further risks formulating policies and responses that do not account for the differential needs and experiences of women, men, girls and boys. Simply put, we must integrate gender in early warning systems, and the alternative is dangerous.
Topic:
Gender Issues, Elections, Gender Based Violence, and Political Participation
Political Geography:
Global Focus

34. Dr Richard Johnson and the 2020 US Presidential Election

Publication Date:
10-2020
Content Type:
Video
Institution:
Mile End Institute, Queen Mary University of London
Abstract:
In this clip from radio station LBC, Dr. Richard Johnson (Queen Mary University of London) discusses the upcoming US Presidential Election in the context of the Electoral College.
Topic:
Elections, Voting, Political Participation, and Electoral College
Political Geography:
North America and United States of America

35. ‘The Politic of Blood’: Political Repression in South Africa

Author:
Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research
Publication Date:
08-2020
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research
Abstract:
In South Africa, grassroots activists talk of ‘the politic of blood’, referring to ongoing assassinations and other forms of repression. This dossier shows how grassroots activists and trade unionists have been subjected to ongoing repression by the state, beginning under apartheid and continuing under the rule of the African National Congress (ANC), much of which has never been fully acknowledged outside of activist circles.
Topic:
Repression, Political Participation, Activim, and Grassroots Organizing
Political Geography:
Africa and South Africa

36. Coping with the “Nimby Syndrome”: Political issues related to the building of big infrastructures in liberal democracy countries

Author:
Agostino Massa
Publication Date:
03-2019
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Security and Defence Quarterly
Institution:
War Studies University
Abstract:
The location and building of big hazardous infrastructures is a typical feature of the modernization process, in all countries and epochs. Since they are usually useful for a large region but their impact is very localized, the people living around the places where these facilities are active, or where their building is planned, very often organize and perform protest activities against them. Starting from the presentation of recent data about these issues in Italy, considered as a good example of a liberal democracy country, the article is set to discuss their social and political consequences, focusing in particular on the so-called “NIMBY syndrome”, its development and the strategies elaborated by public and private actors to cope with it.
Topic:
Environment, Infrastructure, Democracy, Liberalism, Political Participation, and NIMBY
Political Geography:
Global Focus

37. The Role of Deliberative Mini-Publics in the Quest for Gross National Happiness in Bhutan

Author:
Gerard W. Horgan
Publication Date:
02-2016
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Journal of Bhutan Studies
Institution:
Centre for Bhutan & GNH Studies (CBS)
Abstract:
Political participation is recognized as a component of Bhutan’s multidimensional development framework, ‘Gross National Happiness’ (GNH). In recent years, Bhutan has instituted a conventional system of liberal democratic, representative democracy. However, this system has supplanted an earlier, indigenous system of village-based participatory democracy. This paper builds on the premise that, to be true to the goal of good governance encapsulated in GNH, Bhutan needs to embrace a deeper level of political participation than that embodied by representative democracy. The deficits of the new representative system are identified via the utilization of Lijphart’s majoritarian versus consensual democratic framework. It is suggested that a form of ‘deliberative polling’ should be institutionalized as part of the parliamentary policy-making process, as a complement to the existing representative system.
Topic:
Democracy, Political Participation, Policymaking, and Gross National Happiness (GNH)
Political Geography:
South Asia and Bhutan

38. What the Women Say: Resisting the New Conservatism: Women’s campaigns for rights, peace and participation in Turkey

Author:
International Civil Society Action Network (ICAN)
Publication Date:
12-2015
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
International Civil Society Action Network (ICAN)
Abstract:
For nearly a century, Turkey has been a model of a modern secular Islamic nation. As a member of the G-20 and NATO, a candidate for the European Union, and boasting the world’s 16th largest economy, Turkey’s influence in regional and international security and economics has steadily grown. Yet modern Turkey is at risk from a rising conservatism, willing to trade economic growth for human rights advances. This brief examines the current challenges of women’s and civil society groups in Turkey, highlighting effective initiatives and advocacy strategies. Turkey offers significant lessons for other countries similarly struggling to maintain the momentum of democratic reform in the context of growing conservatism. The stakes are higher than ever for international actors, Turkish civil society, and women’s rights groups to strategize and work together effectively.
Topic:
Security, NATO, Civil Society, Economics, Women, Peace, and Political Participation
Political Geography:
Turkey and Middle East

39. Advancing Women’s Agency in Conflict Settings through Health Work: A Comparative Evaluation of the Dr. Hawa Abdi Foundation and the Panzi Foundation

Author:
Patty Chang, Mayesha Alam, Roslyn Warren, Rukmani Bhatia, and Rebecca Turkington
Publication Date:
01-2015
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security (GIWPS)
Abstract:
Women historically have been, and remain, marginalized from the highest echelons of political power. As a result, their experiences, perspectives, leadership, and potential are untapped in governance. In international peacemaking, women are grossly underrepresented, especially in high-level processes. There are growing calls – by both international policymakers and feminists – to do more to include and uplift women in peace and security efforts, as originally directed in UN Security Council Resolution 1325. Today, this is increasingly framed as not only the “right” thing to do, but also the “smart” thing to do. But what does this mean? And what can we learn from women who have mobilized and engaged in peacemaking already? This study examines women’s political participation in peace negotiations, focusing on four cases where women have gained access to high-level official negotiations. Each case study – Northern Ireland, Guatemala, Kenya, and the Philippines – is framed by eight overarching research questions: Why did women mobilize for peace? How did women mobilize and organize to gain access to high-level peace negotiations? How did they form coalitions and alliances? How did they assemble and shape agendas? How did they set priorities for their activities? How did their priorities change when they participated in high-level peace negotiations? How did they negotiate their goals? And, to what extent were their objectives or priorities represented in the resulting peace agreement? As a departure from publications of a similar nature, this study offers a comprehensive, systematic literature review and a series of new findings on women participating in high-level peace processes in Northern Ireland, Guatemala, Kenya, and the Philippines based on a political economy approach. It analyzes nearly 100 in-depth, face-to-face interviews collected in-country with diverse women in civil society, and applies a rigorous two-stage coding method to examine emergent themes. All data are triangulated against existing secondary literature and primary source documents to improve the reliability and validity of results. Although this is not a cross-comparative study, there are interesting commonalities in women’s experiences that are decipherable. For example, in each case, women were primarily motivated by a desire to end violent conflict, and they seized opportunities that emerged within the process to play more prominent political roles in the formal negotiations. Women drew upon their personal connections and leveraged their interpersonal and professional skills, as well as their political capabilities, to advance their goals. In Northern Ireland and Kenya, for example, women drew on pre-existing and new networks, which proved vital to mobilization. In Guatemala and the Philippines, women forged strategic alliances and relentlessly lobbied at multiple levels in order to negotiate their goals. At the same time, in each case, external actors – within and outside of the country in question – influenced women’s mobilization. Despite the similarities between the four cases, there are also many important distinctions in how women negotiated their goals, shaped agendas, formulated proposals, and influenced the content of peace agreements. In Northern Ireland, the NIWC established a precedent for political participation and engaged in women’s collective political consciousness-raising. In Guatemala, provisions inserted in the final agreement tracked back to the Women’s Sector’s agenda, but overall the language on gender lacked the strength and depth the Women’s Sector desired. In Kenya, women in CSOs held mixed sentiments about their degree of influence on the process, but generally felt the mediation agenda reflected the issues for which they lobbied. In the Philippines, the dual effects of women officially embedded in the peace talks and external pressure from civil society women’s networks influenced the language, agenda, and format of the power-sharing agreement. The differences of women’s experiences, resulting from unique conditions in each case, reinforce the understanding that women are not a monolithic demographic anywhere. Rather, race, religion, ethnicity, economic status, cultural background, and other characteristics shape their identities, perspectives, agendas, and lived experiences. This report describes and analyzes the specificity of women’s political participation in each country in detail, demonstrating the myriad ways in which women can and do engage in peacemaking, as well as the challenges they face and the limits of their participation. 12Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security Overall, this study provides a comprehensive understanding of not only why and how women in CSOs mobilized for peace, but also how they shaped negotiations and outcome documents within a specific context. More importantly, this study finds that how women in civil society gain access to high-level peace negotiations is contingent not only on the careful selection of tactics and strategies, but also on the dynamic relationships and iterative interactions between different parties (i.e., government officials, rebel organizations, key constituents), the opportunity structures that permit participation, and the socio-political context that shape the interactions. This report is a unique and a significant contribution not only because of its methodological rigor, but also because it brings the voices of different women peacemakers to the fore, highlighting their perceptions, reflections, and lessons-learned. In doing so, the findings here describe how women’s participation affects negotiations and their outcomes. Having a woman at the formal negotiation table does not guarantee that she will raise issues of gender equality and women’s empowerment, as demonstrated by Raquel Zelaya, who was a member of the Guatemalan government’s peace panel. At the same time, depending on which and how many women are at the table, it is possible that issues affecting women and their families may be taken more seriously, as was increasingly evident in the Philippines. Outside of the confines of official negotiations, women in civil society tend to seek transformative change in a way that conceptualizes peace beyond the cessation of hostilities and the disarmament of warring troops. Irrespective of their strategies and approaches to engagement, this was true for civil society women in Northern Ireland, Guatemala, Kenya, and the Philippines, and it is by no means unique to those four countries. The frequent, if not consistent, abrogation of peace agreements coupled with the continued marginalization of women from the business of peacemaking poses two problematic, and possibly correlated, challenges that stymie the durability and inclusivity of peace agreements. In recognition of the unfinished business of gender equality, this timely report offers a detailed historical account of women’s participation in four contexts. There are many important lessons-learned about women’s participation and leadership in peace processes, which are shaped by their circumstances, but hold relevance beyond the four respective contexts. As such, the study also acts as a resource for women in civil society currently engaged in peace activism in conflict settings around the world. At the same time, in a world fraught by violent conflict, this report serves as an informative tool for representatives of international institutions that promote governance, security, and development.
Topic:
Health, Governance, Women, Conflict, Peace, and Political Participation
Political Geography:
Global Focus

40. Colombia, the peace process and the political participation of the armed groups

Author:
Felipe Gómez Isa
Publication Date:
11-2013
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Norwegian Centre for Conflict Resolution
Abstract:
One of the key indicators to determine the degree of success of any given peace process is the stable participation in national politics of former members of armed groups in rebellion against the state. In the case of Colombia, the traditionally exclusive nature of its political system explains why both the enlargement of spaces for democratic participation and the political participation itself of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia – People’s Army (FARC-EP) have become key issues to be discussed at the talks in Havana. It would be highly desirable for the obstacles and reticence evinced by specific political sectors to be overcome so that the current peace process can result in both the political participation of the demobilised members of the FARC-EP and greater democracy in Colombia.
Topic:
Non State Actors, Armed Forces, FARC, Political Participation, and Peace Process
Political Geography:
Colombia and South America