My general goal in this presentation, as it is for all of us at this workshop, is to examine the Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe: the "pearl of the German presidency of the European Union" adopted in Köln on 10 June 1999, the day that NATO's 78-day bombing campaign of Serbia ceased.
Topic:
Conflict Resolution, NATO, and International Cooperation
The Stability Pact was launched on the eve of the Kosova war and conflict Paradoxically, though, Kosova has so far benefited the lest from it. Only very recently Kosova managed to have its own representative in it. This is a sign that the same mistakes are being made vis-à-vis Kosova as in the past, seeing the region as a bogus or maverick part of the far South-East of Europe.
Topic:
Conflict Resolution, Security, and International Cooperation
Each conversation about Sand_ak as one of the paradigms of political crises in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, that is in Serbia and Montenegro, would have to be started with basic data about the area itself, about the causes and the nature of problems that exist concerning Sand_ak and within it, starting from the time when it was, under the title the "sand_ak question", for the first time the subject of interest of the international community, far away in 1858.
Topic:
Conflict Resolution, Ethnic Conflict, and Genocide
Political Geography:
Eastern Europe, Yugoslavia, Serbia, and Montenegro
Leaders from the Western Hemisphere called on their governments at the conclusion of a Carter Center conference to implement partial public funding of campaigns and fully disclose election donations and expenditures to help restore confidence in government.
Topic:
Conflict Resolution, Conflict Prevention, Development, and Peace Studies
People everywhere share the same dream of a caring international community that prevents war and oppression,” said President Carter after the Nobel Peace Prize was announced last October.
Topic:
Conflict Resolution, Conflict Prevention, Development, and Peace Studies
In late March 2003, terrorists thought to be members of Pakistan-supported Islamic groups killed 24 Hindu villagers in Kashmir. This incident evoked memories of the suicide attack by Muslim terrorists on the Indian Parliament in New Delhi in December 2001. Events like these raise the potential threat of war between India and Pakistan. South Asia is thought by many observers to be the most dangerous place in the world, with both antagonists armed with nuclear weapons.
The conflict in Colombia has, in the space of a few years, become a real headache for the United States as well as for Europe. Countless human rights violations, forced population displacement, drug trafficking and terrorism make Colombia a textbook case for examining the entire range of security problems today. With the launching of Plan Colombia in 1999, the United States considerably increased its aid to the country. Today, the American administration actively supports Alvaro Uribe's government in its fight against guerilla movements, labeled "narcoterrorists," and rumors of armed intervention regularly resurface. Having long remained on the sidelines of the "Colombian tragedy," Europe seems to be relegated to playing second fiddle. The military option represented by Plan Colombia had opened up a political spaced that the Europeans began to occupy. But with the break-off of peace negotiations, this space has shrunk and has maybe even disappeared for good. In the face of American efforts to monopolize management of the Colombian conflict, it is in fact hard to see how the European Union can return to the forefront in this area of the world that remains the United States' preserve. All the more so since virtually no voices can be heard asking the Europeans to counterbalance the United States.The situation in Colombia is a new illustration of the state of U.S.-European relations today, between competition, a search for complementarity and a mutual lack of understanding.
Topic:
Conflict Resolution
Political Geography:
United States, America, Europe, Colombia, and South America
Good morning. I deeply appreciate the opportunity to join you today to honor the legacy of one of the truly great statesmen in American -- and transatlantic -- history, General George C. Marshall. The legacy of General Marshall has touched my own life in several ways over the years. While I am sure he will not remember this, the last time General Meyer and I shared a stage together was thirty years ago, when he presented me an award at my high school in Carlisle, Pennsylvania, and spoke to all of us impressionable seventeen year olds about the selfless example of public service offered by George Marshall. Several years later, I studied as a Marshall Scholar at Oxford University, the direct beneficiary of a program established by the British Government in gratitude for General Marshall's contributions. While the Marshall Scholarship Fund has survived the minor infamy of its award to me, it had a profound effect on my life, and I'm pleased to be here today in part to honor that gift. I have also had the profound good fortune, both personally and professionally, to work for a number of years for Secretary Powell, whose own remarkable career you will honor this evening as a continuation of the legacy of George Marshall.
Global Facilitation Network for Security Sector Reform
Abstract:
Report written for DFID to summarise information on and make suggestions for Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) in Burundi. Produced using DFID internal reports.
Topic:
Conflict Resolution, Democratization, and Development
The campaign of genocidal assault and "ethnic cleansing" waged by Serb forces in Kosovo in 1998-99 was characterized, above all other atrocities, by the gender-selective mass-murder of the "battle-age" males. The present article seeks to plea this campaign of "gendercide" against non-combatant men in the broader context of the Balkans wars of the 1990s-including the five worst massacres in Europe since the aftermath of the Second World War, all of which clearly reflected the gendercidal underpinnings of the Serb strategy. The military "logic" of the strategy is examined, as are the harbingers of gendercide that were evident in Kosovo after the imposition of Serb police-state in the early 1990s. An analysis of the key atrocities of the 1999 war in Kosovo follows, along with some concluding comments about the taboo treatment accorded the subject in the feminist I.R. literature. The Kosovo war also offered an excellent opportunity to analyze the representation of gender and violent victimization in the mass media. A broad sample of media commentary is presented to demonstrate that "unworthy" male victims tend to be marginalized or ignored entirely in mass-media coverage. A trio of common marginalization strategies discussed, and a theoretical framework of "first-order", "second-order", and "third-order" gendering is proposed to clarify the deficit in coverage. This deficit is then contrasted with the attention given to the victimization experiences of "worthy" victims, such as women, children, and the elderly. Finally, the small handful of responsible and insightful media reports on gender-selective atrocities against Kosovar men is evaluated for the alternative it may offer to "effacing the male" from coverage of war and violence.