There is ample literature devoted to the sociology of the police in the western world, yet little research
focuses on Arab countries. This study tries to fill this gap by offering an ethnographic study of Ras
Beirut police station, the first and the only police station in Lebanon that has been reformed according
to the community policing model. The academic works focusing on the importation of this model in
developing countries point out how difficult it is to implement and emphasize its negative outcomes due
to the local characteristics of each country. Fragmented on a sectarian and a political ground, Lebanon
remains a perfect field to explore this hypothesis. Indeed the divisions of the Lebanese state weaken
the interactions between the public and the private security forces. Nevertheless, many others factors,
beyond the religious and the political divisions, explain Ras Beirut’s failure. The internal dynamics at
work inside the police station and the influence of the patronage networks reduce considerably the
chances of its success.
Topic:
Security, Civil Society, Corruption, Crime, Sociology, Governance, Transnational Actors, and State
Karim Sajjad Sheikh, Khalil Ahmad, and Ayesha Farooq
Publication Date:
07-2016
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
South Asian Studies
Institution:
Department of Political Science, University of the Punjab
Abstract:
This paper attempts to review and analyze important features of Pakistani and Bangladeshi
politics, the socio-economic situation and cultural traditions from both historical and
contemporary perspectives with focus upon challenges of poverty alleviation. In so-doing, this
paper analyses the major issues related to poverty alleviation against the backdrop of sociopolitical and economic structures. The present paper has been extracted from the published PhD
work of the first author. The review indicates some of the important features of Pakistan and
Bangladesh. Both the countries share similar ranking on human development index. Substantial
proportions of populations in both the countries are engaged in primary sector of economy.
Gender disparities on socio-economic indicators, ethnic and sectarian divide, political instability
and corruption are intertwined with political, economic and cultural structures of the countries.
Good governance, increased civic participation, collaboration of Faith-based organizations with
NGOs and CSOs can help improve indicators of Human Development Index in Pakistan and
Bangladesh.
Topic:
Corruption, Education, Islam, Poverty, History, and Political stability
Just a few years ago Brazil was a feel good story. Its economy was soaring at a rate to rival China’s. Its charismatic president, Luiz Inacio “Lula” da Silva, was among the most popular leaders anywhere, a rags-to-riches phenomenon. In 2014, when the Council on Foreign Relations chose its “Great Decisions” topics for the next year, one was “Brazil in Metamorphosis.”
Unfortunately, the country has slipped back into its cocoon. The Samba music has stopped. Instead of being on a roll, Brazil is mired in an awful slump. Or as Frank Sinatra put it, riding high in April, shot down in May.
What sort of country is this anyway?
Topic:
Foreign Policy, Corruption, Government, Economy, and Domestic politics
Political Geography:
Brazil, South America, North America, and United States of America
Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation (TESEV)
Abstract:
Assessing public perceptions on corruption proves to be an important indicator and tool for corruption monitoring. In this report, results of public perception surveys on corruption in Turkey, conducted by Infakto for TESEV first in 2014 (February-March) and later in 2016 (February), are analyzed shedding light onto the current state of mind of the society.
Topic:
Corruption, Government, Accountability, and Transparency
Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation (TESEV)
Abstract:
SELDI network have proposed to prepare a hidden economy overview to contribute to understanding the hidden economy and tracing its links with corruption that are significant for both anti-corruption practices and increasing welfare in Southeastern Europe (SEE) countries. Anti-corruption policies alone are unlikely to produce wide societal support, unless they are imbedded in economic reform and increase in prosperity. Therefore, a broadening of the anti-corruption debate from sheer law enforcement towards more economic grounded rationale, such as addressing the nexus between corruption and hidden economy, is needed.
Topic:
Corruption, Law Enforcement, Economy, Business, and Tax Systems
Esra Gürakar, H. Ceren Zeytinoğlu, K. İpek Miscioğlu, and R. Evren Aydoğan
Publication Date:
12-2016
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation (TESEV)
Abstract:
The insights gained from the research and advocacy efforts of the first phase of SELDI put forward that energy is one of the most susceptible sectors to corruption in all nine SELDI partner countries. Turkey differs from the rest of the SELDI countries in terms of energy sector and state-owned enterprise (SOE) sizes, dynamics, and recent debates.
Topic:
Corruption, Energy Policy, Natural Resources, State, Accountability, and Transparency
High-profile Republican stalwarts John McCain and Lindsay Graham have contradicted President-elect Donald Trump’s dismissal of CIA conclusions that Russia interfered in the US presidential election. The two senators issued a statement along with Democrats Jack Reed and Charles Schumer calling for a special committee to investigate the Russian cyberattacks. In a joint statement issued December 11, the senators warned that “this cannot become a partisan issue” because Russian interference in the election “should alarm every American.”
But among the American public, there is a partisan split on whether to investigate further, and self-described Republicans seem to be taking their cues from Trump rather than the senators. A just-completed Chicago Council Survey conducted over the past weekend (December 16-18) finds that a narrow majority of Republicans oppose a congressional inquiry (51%). By contrast, majorities of Democrats (85%) and Independents (64%) – and two thirds of the overall public – favor an investigation.
Topic:
Corruption, Elections, Democracy, and Post Truth Politics
Applying the "PRO-CURE" methodology, Dejan Skoric from the Association Resource Centre Majdanpek, conducted an analysis of the expediency of the spending of public funds from the budgets of local governments for the purchase of fire-fighting vehicles and equipment.
At the Anti-Corruption Summit held in London in May 2016, 42 governments made more than 600 commitments across a range of issues. From anti-money laundering regulation to open data to public sector integrity, ambitious ideas for tackling corruption were central to the Summit.1 Transparency International evaluated the commitments made at the Summit and found many to be significantly new (generated by the summit), ambitious (strong steps in the context of the country they are coming from) and concrete (actionable and measurable). But without any formal mechanism in place for follow up, the commitments are at risk of being forgotten or left behind.
Open Government Partnership Action Plans have offered a key means of implementing and monitoring Anti-Corruption Summit pledges. In fact, the Anti-Corruption Summit communiqué2 states:
Our new publication focusing on corrupt wealth in London property. Using multiple data sources, this report finds that there is no data available on the real owners of more than half of the 44,022 land titles owned by overseas companies in London whilst nine out of ten of these properties were bought via secrecy jurisdictions