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301. A Feminist Foreign Policy in Practice: Introducing an Institutional Framework for Implementation in the Post-Yugoslav Sphere

Author:
Belgrade Centre for Security Policy (BCSP)
Publication Date:
03-2024
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Belgrade Centre for Security Policy (BCSP)
Abstract:
In the past few years, a growing number of policy- and decision-makers seem to have heeded the tireless efforts of gender advocates: there is a strong interest in feminist perspectives and gender equality efforts, at least rhetorically. In their 2021 coalition agreement, the German government announced that they wanted “to strengthen rights, resources and representation of women and girls globally and support social diversity” […] “in line with a feminist foreign policy” (Bundesregierung 2021), picking up on a model of Feminist Foreign Policy (FFP) first introduced by the Swedish government in 2014. On International Women’s Day in 2023, Slovenia also rhetorically committed to FFP, being one of the most recent countries to announce a feminist approach to foreign policy and the first in Central-Eastern or Southeast Europe. While feminist foreign policies are mushrooming across the globe, strong anti-feminist alliances and anti-gender discourses are simultaneously re-gaining meaningful influence and mainstream appeal with palpable legal consequences, for example, through restricting reproductive rights for women.
Topic:
Foreign Policy, Feminism, and Gender Equality
Political Geography:
Europe and Balkans

302. How to Unbind the State Capture in Serbia? Towards Security Institutions and Foreign Policy in the Service of Citizens

Author:
Jelena Pejic Nikic and Predrag Petrovic
Publication Date:
06-2024
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Belgrade Centre for Security Policy (BCSP)
Abstract:
There are many findings of domestic and foreign research organisations that unequivocally indicate that Serbia is a captured state, with a hybrid political regime. Security institutions play a major role in the capture of the state and the collapse of democracy in Serbia, as well as in preserving the situation the way it is. The Belgrade Centre for Security Policy (BCSP) was one the first organisations in Serbia to notice this negative trend; consequently, in 2019 and 2020, we investigated and documented in detail the role of the security intelligence services, the police, the army and private security companies in capturing the state, as well as the impotence of oversight and control bodies. In the research that followed in 2021, we established that the government of the Serbian Progressive Party, led by Aleksandar Vučić, had completed the capture of the state and that today’s security institutions are operating with the aim of preserving such a state of affairs. We also researched the foreign policy aspects of this negative process. Public opinion surveys conducted by BCSP have also established that the majority of the citizens are aware that Serbia is a captured state, i.e. that politicians, organised into interest groups, use state institutions together with financially powerful actors to further strengthen their political and financial power, all to the great detriment of citizens. Since state institutions are deeply captured and the citizens are aware of that fact, we have decided not to further document this process; in this study, we rather tried to determine how to organise the security institutions and strengthen their external overseers so that the security sector can no longer be easy prey for those who are politically and financially powerful. In other words, we wanted to determine how to ensure that security institutions work in the interest of citizens, precisely as the Constitution of Serbia requires. The starting point of this endeavour were the findings of the above mentioned BCSP research, in which we identified the “gray areas” and “veto points” within the security sector, that is, legal and institutional solutions that made it possible to capture these institutions quite easily. We verified the solutions for the reorganisation of these gray areas against the opinions of our interlocutors, former and current employees of the security institutions and the judiciary, diplomats, journalists, attorneys, politicians and representatives of civil society. We verified the solutions for the reorganisation of these gray areas against the opinions of our interlocutors, former and current employees of the security institutions and the judiciary, diplomats, journalists, attorneys, politicians and representatives of civil society. The interviews helped us to confirm, but also to refute our assumptions.
Topic:
Security, Foreign Policy, Institutions, and State Capture
Political Geography:
Europe and Serbia

303. Buckles and Holes in China’s Belt and Road – A Case Study of Belarus and Serbia

Author:
Belgrade Centre for Security Policy (BCSP)
Publication Date:
12-2024
Content Type:
Commentary and Analysis
Institution:
Belgrade Centre for Security Policy (BCSP)
Abstract:
The international system is undergoing profound changes and one of the main ones is the growth of China’s global influence, which is gradually turning into a source of influence comparable to the United States. This process is accompanied by the growth of China’s political and economic presence in different regions of the world. Europe is no exception, but this process varies greatly in different countries, with some countries only cautiously developing ties with China while others seek to expand them as much as possible. This raises the question of the reasons for such differences, as well as the consequences of active development of China’s ties for political and economic development. In this regard, it seems interesting to compare the most “pro-Chinese” countries in Europe, namely Belarus, which has the closest contacts with China among countries of Eastern Europe and Serbia, and occupies a similar position in the Balkans. The analysis shows that for both countries, China is, first of all, a political and economic alternative to the EU and the US, and in the case of Belarus, also to Russia. Such cooperation expands the space for manoeuvre, but usually does not lead to the solution of the strategic goals – advanced economic development, political resilience, sustainable cooperation with the main (crucial) partners.
Topic:
Foreign Policy, Development, Economics, Infrastructure, Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), and International System
Political Geography:
Europe and Belarus

304. The Wagner Group, Russia’s Foreign Policy and Sub-Saharan Africa

Author:
Kemal Mohamedou
Publication Date:
03-2024
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
The Geneva Centre for Security Policy
Abstract:
Set up in 2014 as a private organisation, the Wagner Group has conducted numerous military activities internationally that remain shrouded in mystery. Through documented investigations, it emerges that the group is less akin to a traditional private military contractor and more a tool in Russian president Vladimir Putin’s military arsenal. Through its deployment in the Central African Republic and Mali, the group has gained an important foothold in sub-Saharan Africa and has furthered Russian foreign policy aims in the region, enabling Moscow to advance three key aims: (1) achieving recognition for Russia as a great power through global geopolitical repositioning; (2) undermining Western interests by building a Russian sphere of influence; and (3) enhancing Russian soft power. The historical anti-imperial Soviet advances in the post-colonial era had facilitated present-day Russian endeavours in Africa, providing a narrative for the Russian state’s foreign policy goals. While the Wagner Group has employed various political strategies to exert soft-power influence, it has also resorted to a coercive approach to suppress anti-government and anti-Russian activity. Russian advisors have developed repressive tactics, instrumentalising local state institutions and national armed forces to threaten opponents. The Wagner Group’s activities in sub-Saharan Africa have demonstrated a concerted effort to enhance Russia’s influence in the region and secure the country’s strategic interests. While Russia is not the sole external actor in Africa, the current political orientation adopted by the Kremlin towards sub-Saharan Africa can ultimately be read as a move to fragment and unsettle Western presence across the continent. In this context, the merging of paramilitary and non-military actions in Africa is of particular relevance, allowing Russia to project power, exert influence and – crucially – unsettle local state-building projects.
Topic:
Foreign Policy, Wagner Group, and Private Military Companies (PMCs)
Political Geography:
Africa and Sub-Saharan Africa

305. Argentina's President Milei Aims for Economy "Shock Therapy"

Author:
Bartłomiej Znojek
Publication Date:
01-2024
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
The Polish Institute of International Affairs
Abstract:
Dealing with the deepening economic crisis is the top priority for the government of ultraliberal President Javier Milei, who took over in Argentina on 10 December 2023. The scale of the challenge and the lack of a parliamentary majority will complicate the implementation of his plans, which include the dollarisation of the economy and the elimination of the central bank. In foreign policy, Milei promises to prioritise relations with the U.S. and Israel, among other goals. Although he cancelled the previous government’s decision to join BRICS, it is doubtful whether he will limit relations with key partners such as China.
Topic:
Foreign Policy, Economy, BRICS, Economic Crisis, and Javier Milei
Political Geography:
Argentina

306. Human Rights, but with CPC Characteristics, Rising in China's Foreign Policy

Author:
Marcin Przychodniak
Publication Date:
07-2024
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
The Polish Institute of International Affairs
Abstract:
For China, human rights in relation to a sovereignty is gaining importance in its cooperation with countries of the Global South. The Chinese authorities emphasise the right of governments to make their own decisions in this area, which is welcomed by many of these, mainly authoritarian, states. For the EU, it is important both to counter the Chinese narrative on such disparities in human rights standards and to apply sanctions against China in cases of violations.
Topic:
Foreign Policy, Human Rights, Sovereignty, Sanctions, and European Union
Political Geography:
China, Europe, and Global South

307. Fall 2024 edition of Strategic Visions

Author:
Alan McPherson, Grace Anne Parker, Sophía Valdes, Aaron Gell, Nikolas Gvosdev, Andrew Santora, and Jake Wolff
Publication Date:
12-2024
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Strategic Visions
Institution:
Center for the Study of Force and Diplomacy, Temple University
Abstract:
This issue of Strategic Visions, Volume 24, Issue 1 (Fall 2024), features the usual "News from the Director" and "Note from the Davis Fellow" sections, in which we reflect on this past semester’s colloquium series. Additionally, we are excited to share interviews with Aaron Gell, a journalist for The New Republic, who discusses campus protests related to Gaza, and Dr. Nikolas Gvosdev, Professor of Naval Security Affairs at the U.S. Naval War College, who provides insights into foreign policy in President-Elect Trump’s second term. Sofía Valdes wrote a piece about her research which won her the 2024 Edwin H. Sherman Prize last semester. Two of our graduate students, Andrew Santora and Jake Wolff, have contributed pieces detailing their archival research, which has been supported in part by CENFAD. Additionally, PhD candidate Audrey Rankin offers a review of Kathleen Murphy's Captivity's Collections: Science, Natural History, and the British Transatlantic Slave Trade (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2023).
Topic:
Foreign Policy, Protests, Higher Education, Donald Trump, and 2023 Gaza War
Political Geography:
United States of America

308. The Sahel intervention as a case study of France’s security policy in Sub-Saharan Africa

Author:
Pavlos Petidis
Publication Date:
03-2024
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Hellenic Foundation for European and Foreign Policy (ELIAMEP)
Abstract:
The analysis traces France’s shift from a unilateral approach, exemplified by the Françafrique policy, to a more multilateral and regionally integrated strategy in Sub-Saharan Africa, particularly in the Sahel region. The Rwandan genocide in 1994 marked a pivotal moment for French policy, prompting a transition towards greater emphasis on multilateralism and regional security initiatives, influenced by lessons learned from past interventions. France’s engagement in the Sahel has been guided by the principle of “African solutions to African problems,” as evidenced by efforts to support regional initiatives and collaborate with African-led peacekeeping missions. Despite efforts to engage the European Union in Sahelian security issues, France has encountered challenges in achieving meaningful European involvement due to divergent priorities among EU member states and skepticism towards intervention in African affairs. The text highlights the complexities of operational effectiveness in French military interventions, with factors such as institutional coordination, resource allocation, and strategic objectives influencing outcomes. France’s efforts to coordinate with EU initiatives and other international actors in the Sahel have been hindered by overlapping responsibilities, divergent mandates, and competition among stakeholders, leading to implementation challenges. Public opinion in Mali regarding French military presence has evolved from initial support to skepticism and criticism, fueled by perceptions of France’s colonial legacy, operational shortcomings, and conspiracy theories. President Macron’s approach to Africa seeks to redefine France’s relationship with its former colonies, emphasizing partnership and mutual respect while addressing historical grievances and promoting economic cooperation. Rising violence, political instability, and governance challenges in the Sahel region pose significant obstacles to France’s intervention efforts and highlight the need for comprehensive, sustainable solutions. France faces a dilemma between promoting democratic values and protecting its strategic interests in Africa, amidst shifting regional dynamics and growing scrutiny of its interventionist policies. Collaborative approaches with European partners and nuanced policy conversations are deemed essential for navigating this complex landscape.
Topic:
Security, Foreign Policy, Military Intervention, and Institutions
Political Geography:
Africa, France, Sahel, and Sub-Saharan Africa

309. Turkey’s 2024 Local Elections: Potential Effects on Domestic and Foreign Policy

Author:
Ahmet Erdi Öztürk
Publication Date:
03-2024
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Hellenic Foundation for European and Foreign Policy (ELIAMEP)
Abstract:
While local elections may not be as crucial as general elections, one can argue that these upcoming local elections hold an exceptionally important position for both Turkey and its region—indeed, even for the international system. It should be remembered that President Erdoğan has control over the state apparatus, which gives him bargaining chips with which to negotiate with the various political actors. While Erdoğan has the power to use state resources to negotiate with various actors who could potentially take votes from İmamoğlu or bring votes to Kurum, İmamoğlu brings to the table a possible alternative to Erdoğan’s hegemony in Turkey’s political arena (a hegemony which has been tarnished in many areas, particularly the economy, in recent years), along with his youth and his potential to appeal to various segments of society. Ekrem İmamoğlu’s re-election will not directly impact Turkey’s foreign policy, but it will influence the stance international power centres adopt towards Turkey. İmamoğlu will once again attract the attention of many Western power centres, particularly in the European Union. Considering Turkey’s significant role as a producer and consumer in the global defence industry, we can expect multinational corporations as well as countries to show an increased interest in İmamoğlu. It is a statement of fact to say that the results of the local elections in Istanbul could be a milestone for Turkish politics. If İmamoğlu emerges victorious in Istanbul on the evening of March 31, which appears likely at the moment, the local elections will mark the beginning of a marathon general election campaign. In this context, we can say that we are on the verge of re-entering the İmamoğlu vs Erdoğan period, which was interrupted during the 2023 elections.
Topic:
Foreign Policy, Elections, and International System
Political Geography:
Turkey and Middle East

310. Relations Between Russia and Türkiye in The Context of The Syrian Conflict: From Edge of the War to Strategic Cooperation

Author:
Cenk Özatıcı and Polat Üründül
Publication Date:
07-2024
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
The Rest: Journal of Politics and Development
Institution:
Centre for Strategic Research and Analysis (CESRAN)
Abstract:
This article analyses the changing dynamics in Turkish-Russian relations during the Syrian civil war. The Syrian civil war has had a significant impact on relations between Türkiye and Russia. Initially, at odds over Türkiye’s support for Syrian opposition forces and Russia’s support for the Assad regime, tensions peaked when the Turks shot down a Russian warplane. This paper argues that Türkiye’s security concerns, including threats from the Syrian regime and the PYD and Russia’s desire to remove obstacles to its national interests in Syria, have led to strategic cooperation between the two countries. Russia’s pragmatic approach to Türkiye’s security needs and its military dominance in Syria encouraged Türkiye to cooperate with the Russians. This cooperation, evident in projects such as the Astana process and arms deals, was also seen as an opportunity by Russia to weaken NATO and strengthen the Assad regime.
Topic:
Foreign Policy, Bilateral Relations, Military Intervention, Syrian War, and Strategic Cooperation
Political Geography:
Russia, Turkey, Middle East, and Syria