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101. Commentary on "A Modest Proposal for a Basic Agreement on Peaceful Cross-Strait Development"

Author:
Christopher R. Hughes
Publication Date:
01-2010
Content Type:
Journal Article
Institution:
German Institute of Global and Area Studies
Abstract:
This critique assesses Prof. Chang Ya-chung's draft basic agreement for cross-Strait relations by arguing that it overstates changes in Beijing's Taiwan policy, which is based on a strategy that has not seen substantial change since it was devised in the early 1990s to prevent the island's democratization leading to the exercise of self-determination. By over-estimating Taiwan's political, diplomatic, military, and economic vulnerability the proposal unnecessarily narrows down Taibei's options to the point where it has to accept Beijing's one-China principle. This merely closes off other options that Taiwan can just as readily pursue, such as continuing to develop cross-Strait relations through ad hoc solutions to practical problems or seeking more imaginative ways to create a durable modus vivendi with international support. Even more problematic is that a political framework for stability based on the principles of Chinese nationalism is unlikely to be acceptable for Taiwan's liberal- democratic politics and could thus amount to an unnecessary risk that would lead to a less durable cross-Strait status quo than that which has been maintained over the last two decades.
Political Geography:
China, Taiwan, and Beijing

102. Commentary on "A Modest Proposal for a Basic Agreement on Peaceful Cross-Strait Development"

Author:
Jean-Pierre Cabestan
Publication Date:
01-2010
Content Type:
Journal Article
Institution:
German Institute of Global and Area Studies
Abstract:
The main question that Chang Ya-chung's Modest Proposal triggers is whether a political and security agreement can realistically be reached today. The twelve agreements signed by Beijing and Taibei since 2008 should be saluted as conducive to constructing détente, non- military confidence-building measures and de facto government-to- government relations across the Strait. However, in the foreseeable future, is it realistic to ask for more? Actually, a temporary or long-term political agreement between Taibei and Beijing will not be reached if the People's Republic of China (PRC) and the Republic of China (ROC) refuse to formally recognize each other's separate existence and sovereignty in one way or another, at least tacitly, and if they do not agree to address security issues squarely with the assistance of the USA. Finally, no meaningful agreement can be re ached either if the PRC Chinese and certain segments of the Kuomin tang (KMT) (Guomindang) fail to recognize Taiwan's specific history or realize that the Taiwanese have been developing a distinct identity since 1949 and even more so since the island's democratization took place in the late 1980s.
Political Geography:
United States, China, Taiwan, and Beijing

103. Signs of Change? An Analysis of Taiwan's December 2009 Local Elections

Author:
Stefan Braig
Publication Date:
01-2010
Content Type:
Journal Article
Institution:
German Institute of Global and Area Studies
Abstract:
Under special circumstances created by a government decision to partly merge and upgrade six counties and county-level cities to special municipality status, local elections took place on December 5, 2009 in areas covering less than half of Taiwan's population. The results are generally seen as an important, though small, victory for the opposition Democratic Progressive Party (DPP). The ruling Kuomintang (KMT) (Guomindang), however, has remained in a stable position, while the DPP still has a long way to go towards a comeback.
Political Geography:
Taiwan

104. Thomas Grant. Admission to the United Nations, Charter Article 4 and the Rise of Universal Organization

Author:
Anne-Laurence Brugère
Publication Date:
08-2010
Content Type:
Journal Article
Abstract:
'Every constitution encounters the difficult problem of distinguishing interpretation and adaptation, progressive development and amendment'. The question whether, and to what extent, the practice of an organization does not merely interpret but also modify its constitutive instrument lies at the very heart of Thomas Grant's volume on Article 4 of the United Nations Charter. The volume, divided into seven chapters, is based on a thorough account of the United Nations' practice from 1945 onwards in the matter of admission, from the 'early years' (Chapter 2) to the present day controversies over Kosovo and Taiwan (Chapters 5 and 6). Grant highlights perfectly the shift in 1955–1956 from a rigorous process over admission to the presumed right of states to membership; that is to say, from the wartime alliance to the universal organization (Chapter 3). This, in turn, raises the question of the legal justification for this change, a key issue addressed in Chapter 4 which this book review will concentrate on. The legal framework applicable to admission is examined in the first and last chapters. Chapter 1 intends to give an overview of the provisions of the Charter governing admission, though it deals exclusively with the procedural mechanism set out in Article 4(2). As for Chapter 7, it examines the legal con - sequences for a state of being admitted to the United Nations.
Topic:
United Nations
Political Geography:
Taiwan and Kosovo

105. Understanding the Trajectory of Social Movements in Taiwan (1980-2010)

Author:
Mingo-sho Ho
Publication Date:
03-2010
Content Type:
Journal Article
Institution:
German Institute of Global and Area Studies
Abstract:
For Taiwan, the 65 years since the en d of the Second World War can be divided into three periods. The first 15 years saw the rule of a highly repressive regime, which took power shortly after the departure of the Japanese colonizers. The Kuomintang (KMT) ( ೟⇥咼 , Guomindang) consolidated its grip on the island by suppressing the native revolt in the February 28 Incident ( џӊܿѠѠ , ererba shijian ) of 1947 and exterminat- ing the clandestine communist movement in the early 1950s. The harsh political domination not only secured the survival of an émigré regime amid the disillusioned and hostile populace, but also facilitated its re- source extraction for its military mission to re-take mainland China. Situ- ated at the very frontline of the in ternational Cold War, Taiwanese people experienced a period of regimented frugality, ubiquitous counter- espionage, and preparation for war – a highly sterile environment for social movements.
Political Geography:
China and Taiwan

106. The Twenty-five Maiden Ladies' Tomb and Predicaments of the Feminist Movement in Taiwan

Author:
Anru Lee and Wen-hui Anna Tang
Publication Date:
03-2010
Content Type:
Journal Article
Institution:
German Institute of Global and Area Studies
Abstract:
“The Twenty-five Maiden Ladies' Tomb” is the collective burial site of the female workers who died in a ferry accident on their way to work in 1973. The fact that of the more than 70 passengers on board all 25 who died were unmarried young women, and the taboo in Taiwanese culture that shuns unmarried female ghosts, made the Tomb a fearsome place. Feminists in Gaoxiong ( 催䲘) had for some years wanted the city government to change the tomb' s public image. Their calls were not answered until the Gaoxiong mayor's office finally allocated money to clean up the gravesite and, as part of the city's plans to develop urban tourism, to remake it into the tourist-friendly “Memorial Park for Women Labourers”. Consequently, even though the tomb renovation seemed to indicate a triumph of the feminist endeavour, it was more a result of the Gaoxiong city government's efforts towards culture-led urban revitalization.
Political Geography:
Taiwan

107. The Political Economy of Collective Labour Legislation in Taiwan

Author:
James W. Y. Wang
Publication Date:
03-2010
Content Type:
Journal Article
Institution:
German Institute of Global and Area Studies
Abstract:
This article provides a seminal analysis of collective labour legislation in Taiwan. A chronological review of Taiwan's legislative process suggests that the context of incorporation, institutional framework, mechanisms for delivering reforms, and sequence of reforms together shape the legislative outcomes of labour reforms at the collective level. While most labour legislation was revised and passed after the preceding sequence of economic transition, the reform of collective labour rights was greatly constrained by the flexible labour-market structure. In order for politicians to form new alliances with labour organizations, legislation of collective labour rights was a strategy to cultivate support during electoral periods. Consequently, the industrial relations changed following the enactment of substantial reform-oriented labour legislation. Theoretically, the historical analysis of legislative procedure unveils evolutionary reform paths for collective labour rights in new democracies. At the same time, empirically, Taiwan demonstrates an alternative reform path in combination with incremental steps and progressive agendas. For new democracies of small economy, a window of opportunity for the progress in collective labour legislation remains open today, albeit with limitations.
Political Geography:
Taiwan

108. An Institutionalist Explanation of the Evolution of Taiwan's Disability Movement: From the Charity Model to the Social Model

Author:
I-lun Tsai and Ming-sho Ho
Publication Date:
03-2010
Content Type:
Journal Article
Institution:
German Institute of Global and Area Studies
Abstract:
In this article, we analyze the process of institutional change in Taiwan's disability field by focusing on the role of social movements. An institutional perspective emphasizes how a particular logic in an organizational field generates formal and informal institutions that define how persons with disabilities are treated in a society. Before the 1990s, the charity model was dominant, and later it came to be challenged by the disability movement, which advocated for the social model. We argue that the transition to a social model was a major achievement by disability organizations, which successfully combined the dual roles of advocate and service provider. By making strategic use of welfare privatization in the 1990s, they were able to mobilize a series of lobbying campaigns. Their efforts culminated in the passing of the Physically and Mentally Disabled Citizens Protection Act in 1997, which marked the beginning of the social model in Taiwan.
Political Geography:
Taiwan

109. The Movement Strategy in Taiwan's Judicial Independence Reform

Author:
Chin-shou Wang
Publication Date:
03-2010
Content Type:
Journal Article
Institution:
German Institute of Global and Area Studies
Abstract:
Judicial independence reform in Taiwan was pioneered by a group of reform-spirited judges from Room 303 of the Taichung ( ৄЁ, Taizhong) District Court, in 1993. Rather than joining the mass movement that was unfolding on the streets, the reformers formed a coalition with other judges to trigger reform from within the judiciary. The re- formers appealed to the rule of law and democracy as a movement strategy for mobilization. As a result, the movement strategy turned out to be a great success, and Room 303 became the chief engine for further judicial reforms in subsequent years. However, the movement strategy in itself also presents some limitations. This paper examines why the movement strategy was successful and how its limitations eventually created problems that hinder further judicial reforms in Taiwan.
Political Geography:
Taiwan

110. The Impact of Social Movements on Taiwan's Democracy

Author:
Stephen Philion
Publication Date:
03-2010
Content Type:
Journal Article
Institution:
German Institute of Global and Area Studies
Abstract:
This article discusses and critiques the four articles that comprise this volume on Taiwan's social movement and democratization. I argue that the four articles suggest that while Taiwan's social movements have made a clear impact on Taiwan's democratization, they remain challenged by the neo-liberal orientation of elected governments, in both KMT and DPP forms. The article provides brief comparison to East Asian NICs and Western experiences with social movements. A strength of the articles is their attention to the complex ways social movements and democratization have impacted each other for the past two decades, with attention to unintended consequences. It concludes with some thoughts on the implications of how nationalism and globalization will continue to shape the potential of social movements in Taiwan.
Political Geography:
Taiwan and East Asia