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41. Exiled in Babylon: Refugees and the Politics of Language

Author:
Noga Malkin
Publication Date:
10-2016
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Center for Contemporary Arab Studies (CCAS)
Abstract:
In the city of Mardin, the Tower of Babel cliché holds particular relevance. The old city—a beautiful array of historic stone houses stacked on a mountain slope in southeast Turkey—is located at the northern edge of Mesopotamia, once the land of Babylon. More than geography, the linguistic panorama of the area evokes the Genesis Babel story, the myth used to explain the variation of human tongues. Mardin is a microcosm of the Ottoman Empire’s ethnic, religious, linguistic and cultural diversity, largely eroded by nationalism’s drive for homogenization. A large Kurdish population lives in Mardin, holding on to their mother tongues despite decades-long Turkish “assimilation” policies. A sizable Arab population lives here too, separated from Arabs in Syria and Iraq after the fall of the Ottoman Empire. Linguists classify their language as “Mesopotamian Arabic,” related to bygone Iraqi dialects. Most Mardinites grow up speaking at least two—sometimes three—languages, learning either Kurdish or Arabic at home, the other on the streets, and Turkish at school. Further adding to the linguistic diversity, there remain several hundred neo-Aramaic speaking Assyrians and even fewer Armenians who once made up the majority of the city’s population; despite their now meager numbers, they attract tourists who come for the locally produced Assyrian wine and traditional Armenian and Assyrian silver crafts.
Topic:
Refugees, Research, Linguistics, Language, Kurds, and Arabic
Political Geography:
Turkey and Middle East

42. Harvard Journal of Middle Eastern Politics and Policy: Spring 2014

Author:
Colin Eide, Averell Schmidt, Ibrahim Sharqieh, Matthew Levitt, Denise Natali, Gina A. Zurlo, Todd M. Johnson, Karina Piser, John Strickland, Sarath Ganji, and Nada Zohdy
Publication Date:
01-2014
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Harvard Journal of Middle Eastern Politics and Policy
Institution:
The John F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University
Abstract:
We are pleased to present the third edition of the Harvard Journal of Middle Eastern Politics and Pol icy. This volume is being published at a time of rapid transformation in the Middle East and North Africa. The euphoric uprisings of 2011 have met with fierce resistance from resilient autocrats and the complex realities of reshuffled domestic politics. With corruption scandals threatening the long-venerated Turkish model, an Egyptian military reasserting itself in political life, and heated tribal disputes compromising an already fragile Libyan state, which way the region is headed remains altogether unclear. These volatile domestic transformations coincide with regional diplomatic realignments. Nuclear diplomacy between Iran and the West has complicated the relationship between Washington and its traditional allies in Israel and the Gulf. The Obama administration’s hesitance to intervene militarily in Syria has at times further strained these ties. Meanwhile, the unprecedented diffusion of Syrian refugees risks destabilizing neighboring states and igniting a region-wide conflagration. This year’s Journal sheds light on many of the dynamics underlying what we see as a larger regional transformation. Ibrahim Sharqieh opens the Journal with a commentary on the often overlooked plight of Palestinian “double refugees”—those first displaced by conflict with Israel, displaced again by conflict in Syria. Matthew Levitt provides our first feature article investigating the evolving strategic relationship between Hezbollah and Iran. Denise Natali analyzes the dynamics—new and old—of transborder Kurdish politics. Todd M. Johnson and Gina A. Zurlo focus our attention on demographic trends behind the flight of the region’s Christian communities. Karina Piser helps dispel the popular narrative of religion as the sole driver of Islamist political parties in Tunisia, focusing us instead on their internal debates and political acumen. John Strickland points us to an economic transformation with global consequences taking place in the region’s skies: the growth of Gulf airlines. Lastly, spanning the politics of the Palestinian Authority, the political economy of oil and gas, and the underpinnings of the region’s grassroots political movements, this year’s staff interviews offer fresh perspectives on pressing issues.
Topic:
Islam, Migration, Peace Studies, History, Social Movement, Partnerships, Arab Spring, Protests, Christianity, Hezbollah, and Kurds
Political Geography:
Iran, Middle East, Palestine, Arab Countries, Syria, Jordan, Tunisia, and Gulf Nations

43. Turkey’s Next President: Contenders and Calculations

Author:
Al Jazeera Center for Studies
Publication Date:
07-2014
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Al Jazeera Center for Studies
Abstract:
Turkey’s presidential elections on 10 August 2014 will not only be the country’s first direct election for the presidency, but also the first election with no candidate from the traditional Kemalist party. There are currently three candidates in the running: Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan from the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP), Dr. Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu, jointly nominated by the Republican People’s Party (CHP) and the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP), and Salahuddin Dimirtash, co-chair of the Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party (BDP).
Topic:
Domestic Politics, Kurds, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and Presidential Elections
Political Geography:
Turkey and Middle East

44. Iran in the 10th Year of the 2nd Gulf War

Author:
BILGESAM
Publication Date:
03-2013
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
BILGESAM (Wise Men Center for Strategic Studies)
Abstract:
The second Gulf War ended the Ba’ath regime in Iraq, exhausted by wars and embargoes for 23 years. Because of the war Iraq plunged into chaos and came almost to the verge of a de facto disintegration. The War has not only changed the internal balances in Iraq but also affected the Middle Eastern geopolitics profoundly. While a new political structure had been created in Iraq reflecting the primacy of the majority Shiite groups, the de facto autonomy of Kurdish groups in the north, which have developed close relations with the USA, has gradually gained a constitutional character. The PKK terrorist organization recovered during this period increased its maneuvering capability in northern Iraq and Qandil Mountain and intensified its attacks against Turkey. Following the withdrawal of USA troops at the end of 2011, instability in Iraqi politics has deteriorated and it was observed that that emerging power vacuum is being filled to a large extent by Iran. The “Iraq in the Tenth Year of the Second Gulf War” report pay attention to Iraqi actors, the emerging state structure and the political-economic situation of the country, as well as the way how the emerging power vacuum affects the region and Turkey. The report analyzes the deepening political instability and internal disputes in the post-US Iraq, Turkey’s relations with the central government and the Kurdish Administration in the north. The report also tries to explore the future of the ongoing political and economic instability in Iraq and provides the Turkish decision-makers with recommendations for Turkey’s national interests.
Topic:
Economics, Conflict, Kurds, Gulf War, and Economic Stability
Political Geography:
Iraq and Middle East

45. ‘Leaving the mountain’: How may the PKK lay down arms? Freeing the Kurdish Question from violence

Author:
Cengiz Çandar
Publication Date:
03-2012
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation (TESEV)
Abstract:
The democratic norms, introduced with globalization and embodied in the EU membership criteria, served as a leverage for Turkey like in many other countries. They enabled the society to gain a new insight in its own history and state and as a result the problems that had often been overlooked and swept under the carpet were inevitably included in the domain of politics. The issue, which is often referred to as the ‘Kurdish Question’ yet essentially expresses the refusal by the state to meet the existential and cultural demands of Turkish citizens with Kurdish identity, constitutes the biggest obstacle to democratization in terms of its scope and historical background. Accordingly, today, there is a widespread belief that democracy cannot become entrenched in society unless the ‘Kurdish Question’ is resolved. The TESEV Democratization Program has systematically addressed the ‘Kurdish Question’ in the recent years and brought it to the public attention. Three reports were prepared as a result of an extensive field work, where we attempted to clarify the demands of the politically diverse Kurdish people, the possible constitutional and legal responses to these demands and how these demands are perceived by other segments of the society. The collision of this process with the widening of the domain of politics in Turkey has led to the idea of seeking for ‘the resolution’ within the framework of a new constitution. On the other hand, there is a growing understanding that ‘the resolution’ has some aspects that go beyond the legal context. For establishing a future based on trust requires conclusively burying the past in the pages of history while also ensuring its visibility, which in turn implies a confrontation among different identities. Therefore, the resolution of the ‘Kurdish Question’ needs a democratic method and approach, whereby parties are able to develop an attitude that addresses the whole society and show consent to a policy that does not encumber the future. Yet, the reciprocal past and present violence between the state and the PKK makes it necessary to create a transparent medium for dialogue to realize potential solutions, and therefore to embark upon a journey towards a solution with no way back. This means ensuring that all members of the PKK, including Öcalan, gradually perceive themselves as a part of the political process. This period, in which we are on the verge of creating the new constitution and concurrently solving the ‘Kurdish Question’, is a vital one. This TESEV report analyses what type of a political infrastructure is needed to build a favorable environment for such a dialogue. The study conducted by Cengiz Çandar, one of the most competent observers of the issue, reveals how the building blocks for resolution can be placed in a realistic way and in consideration of the plurality within both sides. Our expectation is that this groundwork presented here will offer a meaningful contribution and roadmap both for the settlement of the ‘Kurdish Question’ and for the democratization process of Turkey …
Topic:
Conflict Resolution, Non State Actors, Negotiation, Violence, and Kurds
Political Geography:
Turkey, Middle East, and Kurdistan

46. Democratic Opening and Social Perceptions

Author:
Salih Akyürek and Hacer Şartepe
Publication Date:
03-2011
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
BILGESAM (Wise Men Center for Strategic Studies)
Abstract:
As stated in the report, for 25 years, Turkey has experienced terror problems that have high material and intangible costs. The problem has been recently defined under such names as the ‘’Southeast Problem,’’ ‘’Kurdish Problem’’ and the ‘’Democratization Problem,’’ all of which are in search of the underlying reasons of the terror. Apart from the polarizations over demands for cultural identity, there have been problems in conceptually defining the problem. These, in turn, prevent the development of a new, reconciling political language and democratic negotiation processes and serve as a deadlock. This study tries to present findings and designations for developing a new reconciling language and for enabling both sides to understand each other; and brings constructive criticism to the “Democratic Opening’’ and “Democratic Autonomy.’’
Topic:
Democratization, Terrorism, Kurds, Identity, and Society
Political Geography:
Turkey and Middle East

47. What are Kurds and Zazas Thinking About? A Look to the Shared Values and Symbols

Author:
Salih Akyürek
Publication Date:
01-2011
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
BILGESAM (Wise Men Center for Strategic Studies)
Abstract:
Today, it is not the demands and choices of the people who are personally at the heart of the problems in southeastern Anatolia that have come to the agenda, but instead the thoughts and demands of the third-persons or people speaking on behalf of people. This, in turn, results in the issue losing its essence, a high tension between different ethnic groups and drags Turkey into a struggle and a polarization period. The easiest way to overcome this problem is to directly search the opinions of the people in the region, not the people who speak on behalf of them. Therefore, taking a fresh look at the existing problem with field researches and direct knowledge from the local community will provide more realistic information for the accurate strategies and solution proposals of the future. Recently, a confederative proposal of rights called “Democratic Autonomy” (collected under eight main topics) has come onto agenda and has been discussed as a claim for the Kurdish people’s views and demands. According to some estimates, this proposal of rights is useful to be discussed but also there are other considerations believing that it just establishes a ground for the separation of the country. Before arguing on the current demands, one has to prove whether or not these demands are really the Kurdish demands. Another issue is to find out what are the real Kurdish demands and expectations and to generate some solution strategies concerning this problem. At this point, once more, one needs to underline the importance of field work which designate the problems and set the expectations.
Topic:
Democratization, Sectarianism, Minorities, Kurds, and Autonomy
Political Geography:
Turkey and Middle East

48. How Legitimate Are The Kurd’s Demands? The Kurdish Question Through The Lens of Turkey’s West

Author:
Dilek Kurban and Yılmaz Ensaroğlu
Publication Date:
04-2011
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation (TESEV)
Abstract:
Generally speaking, it is fair to say that there was consensus in all meetings that the Kurdish Question is Turkey’s most important challenge and blocks the country’s path in many ways, and that it calls for an urgent solution. But participants raised quite different viewpoints, diverse and at times diametrically opposite approaches on how to name and define the issue, reasons for the problem’s emergence, its origins or the paths to solution. Nevertheless, when specifics of the matter were laid on the table, these opposing views converged, and even reached agreement. This is a sign that the long-lasting policies implemented to create a society of fear have had a certain degree of influence but could not subjugate the society entirely. As a matter of fact, it needs to be noted that at the meetings held in provinces assumed to harbor highly negative opinions on the Kurdish Question, even those participants who define themselves as nationalists (milliyetçi) or secular nationalists (ulusalcı) and are expected to react most harshly and irreconcilably to Kurds’ demands often did not draw their “red lines” too far from those drawn by people with more moderate views. For instance, the majority of those participants stated clearly that Kurds’ demands about human rights and Turkey’s democratization were legitimate and their reaction or concerns were limited to demands regarding ‘terror’, the Kurdistan Workers Party (Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan, PKK) and Abdullah Öcalan.
Topic:
Minorities, Domestic Politics, and Kurds
Political Geography:
Turkey and Middle East

49. Toward a Solution to the Kurdish Question: Constitutional and Legal Recommendations

Author:
Dilek Kurban and Yılmaz Ensaroğlu
Publication Date:
06-2010
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation (TESEV)
Abstract:
There is more to the dominance of “rule of law” or “supremacy of law” in a state than the mere availability of a constitution or laws, or the presence of judicial institutions. Indeed, it is a fact of history that even the bloodiest dictatorships had their idiosyncratic laws and courts. In addition, there are countless historical examples of tyrannical and oppressive policies being implemented through courts. Thus, in paying special attention to the matter, international human rights law emphasizes in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights that “…it is essential, if man is not to be compelled to have recourse, as a last resort, to rebellion against tyranny and oppression, that human rights should be protected by the rule of law.” Article 3 of the Statute of the Council of Europe follows suit: “Every member of the Council of Europe must accept the principles of the rule of law and of the enjoyment by all persons within its jurisdiction of human rights and fundamental freedoms…” Article 1 of the European Convention on Human Rights, in addition, states: “The High Contracting Parties shall secure to everyone within their jurisdiction the rights and freedoms defined in Section I of this Convention.” These and other instruments of law confer on the states substantial responsibilities for the protection of human rights. Of a state’s obligations in that regard, the most important include constitutional and legal recognition of citizens’ human rights, non-interference in individuals’ exercise of those rights as long as such exercise does not violate the freedoms of others, and protection of those rights against interventions by others. These obligations have also become sources and criteria for a state’s claim to legitimacy. In other words, states are now considered to be legitimate to the extent they recognize and protect human rights. As a matter of fact, the protection of states’ rights to sovereignty cannot hold its ground against human rights, thus no state can have recourse to the ‘non-intervention in domestic affairs’ discourse in the face of violations within that state’s borders. The judiciary is the most important mechanism that will check the compliance of government policies and practices with the law and protect citizens’ rights and freedoms. This is why all acts and transactions of the administration need to be subject to judicial review in a state where rule of law prevails. In short, the judiciary is the one and only power that will put the principle of the rule of law into practice. In order for the judiciary to serve that function, that is, to protect human rights, it is indispensable that constitutional and legal arrangements be compatible with human rights law. Put differently, implementing the principle of rule of law necessitates that the law should, instead of siding with the state, have an autonomous standing vis-à-vis the state. The law must maintain equal distance to the state and the citizen. Otherwise, it will not be able to serve its arbitral function between the two sides, and as a result, its legitimacy becomes contested. Considering Turkey in this light, one sees that the legal framework has adopted the ideology of creating a homogenous society and a modern nation, instead of securing all individuals’ rights. Founded as a modern state upon the remnants of the multi-religious, multilingual, and multiethnic Ottoman Empire, the Turkish Republic decided that it would not be possible for it to realize the plans to construct the new nation without denying room to the distinct identities. In line with the secularist and nationalist policies pursued as an outgrowth of this approach, the legal framework underwent a complete overhaul. It has become widely accepted today that Kurds were one of the primary targets of these policies. As a matter of fact, in addition to general legal and constitutional amendments necessary for a Turkey committed to human rights and the rule of law, a number of particular arrangements are also required for a lasting and democratic solution to the Kurdish Question. Constituting the main focus of this report, these arrangements can be broken down into two groups: constitutional and legal. Although the constitutional articles and legal provisions examined in detail and the regulations and statutes which occupy lesser space in the report might appear to have a general character and do not include the words “Kurd” or “Kurdish”, they are essentially instruments aiming to restrict Kurds’ fundamental rights and freedoms and practically causing indirect discrimination against the Kurds. It goes without saying that several administrative measures that do not necessitate any particular legal arrangements must also be taken to solve the Kurdish Question. Discussed as part of the debates on the ‘democratic initiative’, some of these measures include the restitution of names in Kurdish and other languages to places plastered with Turkish names, removal of nationalist slogans etched by the state onto mountain slopes in Turkey’s eastern and southeastern region, changing the militarist names given to schools in the same region, and appointment of Kurdish-speaking public servants in the region to facilitate the use of Kurdish language in accessing public services. Though they are outside the scope of this report, these administrative steps and similar others need to be negotiated upon with Kurdish political representatives and opinion leaders and put in practice soon.
Topic:
Human Rights, Law, Constitution, Legislation, and Kurds
Political Geography:
Turkey, Middle East, and Kurdistan

50. A Roadmap for a Solution to the Kurdish Question: Policy Proposals from the Region for the Government

Author:
Dilek Kurban and Yılmaz Ensaroğlu
Publication Date:
12-2008
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation (TESEV)
Abstract:
The Kurdish Question is not a mere ‘terrorism problem,’ but rather an issue with ethnic, cultural, legal, political, social, economic, and psychological dimensions. It was there before the PKK existed; even if the PKK were to be completely eliminated, the problems and demands of the Kurds would persist. The era of armed conflict has inflicted heavy material and emotional losses on the region and Kurds in particular, and on the entire society in general. The state’s failure to pursue policies during non-violent periods in favor of restoring permanent peace has caused it to miss very important opportunities to find a solution, and has created among Kurds a feeling of distrust towards the state. The Kurdish Question, which has so far been a political issue between Kurds and the state, increasingly risks rapid transformation into a clash between the Turks and the Kurds.
Topic:
Politics, Terrorism, Territorial Disputes, Minorities, Conflict, Kurds, and Peace
Political Geography:
Turkey and Middle East