Caroline J. Tolbert, Amanda Keller, and Todd Donovan
Publication Date:
09-2010
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Political Science Quarterly
Institution:
Academy of Political Science
Abstract:
CAROLINE J. TOLBERT, AMANDA KELLER, and TODD DONOVAN examine public opinion data on proposals to reform the presidential nominating process. They argue that one way to preserve a role for grassroots politics and the sequential process that is critical for candidate quality is to combine rotating state primaries and caucuses in a dozen small-population states with a national primary in which voters from all states would cast ballots.
COSTAS PANAGOPOULOS discusses the behavior, demographic characteristics, and political preferences of caucus and primary voters in the 2008 presidential nominating contests. He finds that primary voters, as compared to caucus participants, are generally more representative of the electorate overall along most dimensions, although the differences observed tend to be substantively small.
CHRISTOPHER MCGRORY KLYZA and DAVID SOUSA argue that environmental policy in the United States has moved in the direction favored by environmentalists over the last two decades, despite efforts by many conservatives to roll back these policies. This green drift is based on the combination of major environmental laws and institutional structures created in the 1960s and 1970s and frozen in place by the legislative gridlock of the last two decades.
KELLY McHUGH describes Tony Blair's failed attempts to use his friendship with George W. Bush to influence U.S. foreign policy in the run-up to the 2003 Iraq war. She finds that although Blair was often successful in persuading Bush in private meetings, he was outmaneuvered by Vice President Dick Cheney, who opposed Blair's advocacy of multilateralism and diplomacy.
ALAN BRINKLEY looks at the evolution of campaign journalism from Theodore White's classic analysis of the 1960 presidential election to John Heilemann and Mark Helperin's recently published Game Change.
There are not too many academics brave enough to support the Bush doctrine, but Stanley Renshon attempts a spirited defense of the 43rd presiden national security policy after the terrorist attacks of September 11. His argument dovetails with that of the George W. Bush administration: September 11 changed everything, and thus the United States needed a new approach. How much September 11 altered, however, is a subject for discussion, not assertion, and ultimately, any assessment of the Bush doctrine, as with any foreign policy approach, rests on the president ʼ s ability to match ends and means. That is why the Bush team's mismanagement of the economy and the decision to launch a war in Iraq before completing the task in Afghanistan leave the reader rather dubious of the merits of the doctrine.
In a theoretically rich study, David Lake challenges the long-prevailing academic notion that the international system is characterized by anarchy. Many existing studies are predicated on the notion that states are sovereign, answer to no higher authority, and are therefore entirely reliant on self-help. Lake points out that the world is, in fact, marked by hierarchy, where weaker states submit to rules created by more-powerful states. This hierarchical relationship is based on a mutual give and take. Dominant states provide essential services such as security and order. The legitimacy deriving from the provision of such functions is essential to maintaining the hierarchy. Of course, the leading powers also benefit from the relationship. In a way, therefore, hierarchy in the international system is a form of interdependence. This is certainly a novel and thought-provoking idea.
Popular discourse long has bemoaned the cultural impact of American media on other societies. Where views differ, however, is in the impact itself. In their theoretically grounded, empirically rich work linking media influences to a host of outcome variables, Pippa Norris and Ronald Inglehart provide a revisionist perspective to such media effects.
Alan Ware turns the focus on two often-overlooked factors in prevailing models of party systems: the agency of the party leaders and the structure of party organization. Those factors can best be seen on the boundaries of two-party politics. Ware focuses first on the cases in which one of two major parties is on the brink of collapse, and second, on the cases in which a minor party is on the brink of joining with one of the two major parties.
Policymakers say they need and want good intelligence. They do need it, but often they do not like it, and are prone to believe that when intelligence is not out to get them, it is incompetent. Richard Nixon was only the most vocal of presidents in wondering how "those clowns out at Langley" could misunderstand so much of the world and cause his administration so much trouble. Unfortunately, not only will even the best intelligence services often be wrong, but even (or especially) when they are right, they are likely to bring disturbing news, and this incurs a cost. As Director of Central Intelligence (DCI) Richard Helms said shortly after he was let go in 1973, he was “the easiest man in Washington to fire. I have no political, military or industrial base." Although DCI James Woolsey's view was colored by his bad relations with President Bill Clinton, he was not far off the mark in saying that the best job description for his position was "not to be liked."