This paper examines the theoretical discussion on interdependence, and its use for analyzing U.S.-Mexican economic relations. It combines interdependence's premises with other perspectives on the position of the North American economies in the global marketplace, arguing that NAFTA is an institutional response to these developments.
Topic:
International Trade and Finance and Treaties and Agreements
Political Geography:
United States, Central America, North America, and Mexico
The international community has produced a plethora of projects, proposals and initiatives for South Eastern Europe. In spite of this, the region still lacks a viable, result-oriented economic strategy, which understands and addresses the fundamental economic needs of the region. In response to this need the EastWest Institute, in close co-operation with the Business Advisory Council of the Southeast European Co-operative Initiative, launched a small Task Force on Economic Strategy for South Eastern Europe. The Task Force included fourteen leading business executives and economic experts from the region with first-hand knowledge of the economic and business environment on the ground. Over the course of a series of meetings, which analysed country and regional data and discussed various policy options, the Task Force produced this report. Its intention is to focus the attention of all those who want to help the Balkans, including their political leaders, on the real causes of conflict, poverty, and isolation in the region. Its recommendations offer guidelines for embarking on what we believe is the right path of reform and development. Very often the policies applied in the Balkans, both by the international community and the domestic politicians, reflect an agenda that was not internalised by the "subjects" of reform, i.e. the people living in the region. We believe that the focus of our report on developing the human capital of the region and creating employment opportunities in an integrated regional market will gather strong internal support for a more stable and prosperous Balkans.
South Eastern Europe remains one of the most volatile regions in Europe today. The conflict in Yugoslavia has wide-reaching political, social and economic implications not only for the immediate region, but also for Europe as a whole. It is, hopefully, the last chapter of military conflicts that had previously engulfed Slovenia, Croatia and Bosnia- Herzegovina. It has added a new dimension to the already unfavorable external environment for many transition economies, worsening further their short-term economic outlook. The conflict-related economic damage already incurred is quite substantial.
Political Geography:
Europe, Bosnia, Herzegovina, Yugoslavia, Macedonia, Albania, and Slovenia
In the period of the Soviet rule public finances formed the basis of the national economy and, consequently, were the key factor determining the relationship between the Central power and the regions. Beginning with the proclamation of the sovereignty of the Russian Federation in 1 99 1 the role of the Center and the regions changed. The State has reduced its influence on the national economy, largely due to the reduction of the share of the GDP reallocated through the Central budgetary system. In 1 999 the volume of the budgetary reallocated product made only 14- 1 5% of the total. The relationship between the federal budget and the system of the regional finances became very complicated and oblique. The state economic sector has decreased, power has become decentralized in Russia.
The newly independent states of the region – Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia in the south Caucasus and Kazakstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkemistan and Uzbekistan in Central Asia – face the challenges of transition to full statehood and pluralist market economies while negotiating the presence of large oil and gas reserves. The complex relationship between external and internal challenges continues to unfold.
Topic:
Security, Economics, and International Trade and Finance
Political Geography:
Central Asia, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Armenia, and Georgia
The current crisis in and around Yugoslavia demonstrates the importance of ethnicity as a source of tension and armed conflict in post-Cold War Europe. Unsettled ethnic and border issues have been important characteristics of the European security environment after the collapse of the Soviet Union and have been the cause of much tension on the European continent.
Topic:
Ethnic Conflict and Regional Cooperation
Political Geography:
Russia, Europe, Asia, Soviet Union, and Yugoslavia
Lack of funding represents the most important factor behind the slow pace of destruction of the 45,000 tons of stockpiled chemical weapons in Russia, already reportedly 2-5 years behind schedule. Further delays of the process will not only endanger the environmental and health situation around the seven storage sites in Russia but may also severely undermine the Chemical Weapons Convention as a whole and thus have serious global implications.
Topic:
Civil Society, Development, and Regional Cooperation
Over the past decade the South Caucasus region has faced bloody internal conflicts in Nagorno-Karabakh, Abkhazia and to a lesser extent South Ossetia. It continues to display potential for instability as Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia exhibit the combined characteristics of war-torn societies and countries in transition. Given the geostrategic importance of the Caucasus and the strong interests of regional and international powers—particularly in the potential energy output—renewed armed confrontations would have serious economic, political and security implications across national borders. Moreover, spill-over into other volatile zones could bring about the open intervention of powerful neighbors, such as Iran, Iraq, Russia and Turkey, and could threaten larger peace and security arrangements.
Topic:
Security, Economics, and Peace Studies
Political Geography:
Russia, Iraq, Iran, Turkey, Asia, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Abkhazia
Ten years after the end of the Cold War, Russian leaders still have to recognize not only the irreplaceable importance of the Western countries and Japan as partners, but also the rapidly growing relative importance of the European Union, since the special relationship with the U.S., based on strategic deterrence, is becoming less relevant. The development of relations with the EU should now be at the top of the Russian agenda. This presents the EU with a certain challenge but is also an enormous opportunity for developing enlarged markets and advancing improved security. At the same time, the U.S. will remain a key partner for Russia in international affairs and in the handling of harmful Soviet legacies, such as disposing of nuclear and chemical wastes. Also, Russia will have to move towards deeper regional economic integration in East Asia instead of approaching the problems in this region from a traditional security perspective.
The EastWest Institute (EWI) is currently running a one year project (July 1998-July 1999) project entitled 'Boundaries Without Barriers: The Role of Sub-Regional Relations in the Eurasian Space'. This is part of a highly successful research and policy-oriented project on the role of subregional relations in the new Europe that the EWI has been running since 1996. The project identifies emerging patterns of (principally) intergovernmental relations between groups of states within the OSCE space; assesses the contribution these subregional relations make to comprehensive security building; and promotes greater recognition of subregionalism in the policies and practices of wider international organization.