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3681. Zero Hunger For The World: Brazil's Global Diffusion Of Its Zero Hunger Strategy

Author:
Markus Fraundorfer
Publication Date:
03-2013
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
AUSTRAL: Brazilian Journal of Strategy International Relations
Institution:
Postgraduate Program in International Strategic Studies, Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul
Abstract:
Brazil's ex-president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010) received a number of prestigious international awards for his activities in the global fight against hunger and poverty, not least because of the impressive results of the Zero Hunger Strategy, launched by Lula da Silva in 2003, which achieved to considerably reduce the numbers of people living in poverty in Brazil. A myriad of relevant actors in the global governance of food security, among them civil society organisations (CSOs) and international organisations, praised Brazil's approach to fighting hunger and poverty. In 2009, ActionAid, one of the most influential CSOs worldwide in the fight against hunger and poverty, started its global HungerFREE campaign which included the introduction of a scorecard with the aim to monitor the performance of developing countries in the fight against hunger. Through these monitoring practices ActionAid confirmed that Brazil's approach to fighting hunger, in the form of Lula da Silva's Zero Hunger Strategy, was the most successful one in the developing world. Brazil was ranked first by ActionAid in both 2009 and 2010 (ActionAid 2009, 35; ActionAid 2010 , 37). Oxfam's global "Grow" campaign against hunger and poverty, launched in 2011, was profoundly inspired by Lula da Silva's courageous leadership and the huge success of his Zero Hunger Strategy (Interview, 12 March 2013).
Political Geography:
Brazil

3682. TRIANGULAR TECHNICAL COOPERATION AND THE ROLE OF INMETRO

Author:
Leonardo Pace Alves
Publication Date:
03-2013
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
AUSTRAL: Brazilian Journal of Strategy International Relations
Institution:
Postgraduate Program in International Strategic Studies, Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul
Abstract:
Nowadays, the Triangular Technical Cooperation appears as a promising subfield of the Cooperation for Development area, uniting efforts of a developing country and developed country (or of a multilateral organization) in favor of a third nation destitute of resources. The Triangular Technical Cooperation meets the eighth goal of the United Nations 2000 Millennium Declaration, establishing partnerships for development in order to reduce global inequities. After remaining for two decades a recipient of technical knowledge from more industrialized nations, Brazil gradually assumed the dual identity of recipient and provider thereof, accumulating forty years of experience in international technical cooperation with countries of less relative development. This cooperation was built in both bilateral and trilateral scope.
Political Geography:
Brazil, United Nations, and Latin America

3683. NSIDE THE BRIC: ANALYSIS OF THE SEMIPERIPHERAL NATURE OF BRAZIL, RUSSIA, INDIA AND CHINA

Author:
Daniel Efrén Morales Ruvalcaba
Publication Date:
03-2013
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
AUSTRAL: Brazilian Journal of Strategy International Relations
Institution:
Postgraduate Program in International Strategic Studies, Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul
Abstract:
Every approach and development of the World-Systems Theory is carried out in a structured time-space continuum. Concerning the spatiality, this theory understands the world in a stratified and hierarchical way on three areas: core, semiperiphery and periphery . Such division "is not merely functional – that is to say, occupational – but also geographical." (Wallerstein 2003a, 492) That understood, the world-systems' observed areas are not only a theoretical construct in order to understand the international division of labor but also real, authentic, historically built and spatially established geographical areas, whose differences – sudden or not – do exist, "as point the price criteria, the wages, the life levels, the gross domestic product, the per capita gross and the commercial balances" (Braudel 1984, 22). As David Harvey explains, these areas "are perpetually reproduced, sustained, undermined and reconfigured by the socioecological and political-economic processes that lie on the present" (Harvey 2000, 98). It indicates that the spaces do not belong to a single area anymore, but that the processes are "what structure the space" (Taylor and Flint 2002, 21) in an unstoppable and perpetual way.
Political Geography:
Russia, China, India, and Brazil

3684. LATIN AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY AND THE COMMUNITY OF LATIN AMERICAN AND CARIBBEAN STATES

Author:
Elsa Llenderrozas
Publication Date:
03-2013
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
AUSTRAL: Brazilian Journal of Strategy International Relations
Institution:
Postgraduate Program in International Strategic Studies, Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul
Abstract:
The creation of the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) in February 2010 reconfigures a new step in the process of the regional political concert. Resulting from the convergence of many regional instances, especially the Rio Group and the Latin America and Caribbean Summit on Integration and Development (CALC, initials in Spanish), besides increasing aspirations to cooperate, a new mechanism that aims to overcome the sub regional level is created to activate multilevel forums and strengthen the tendency to build multidimensional agendas.
Political Geography:
Latin America and Caribbean

3685. MIDDLE POWERS IN THE FRAME OF GLOBAL CLIMATE ARCHITECTURE: THE HYBRIDIZATION OF THE SOUTH DIVISION

Author:
María del Pilar Bueno
Publication Date:
03-2013
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
AUSTRAL: Brazilian Journal of Strategy International Relations
Institution:
Postgraduate Program in International Strategic Studies, Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul
Abstract:
The distribution of power among nations has been one of the most characteristic debates of International Relations. Unipolarity, multipolarity, bipolarity and non-polarity are just some of the concepts that promote an analysis of the International System and the links between state actors, in particular the nation states. Since the end of the 20th Century, after the last breath of the Cold War and, therefore, the end of bipolarity, the endless academic disagreements related to the existence of one or many centers of power in the global scene became apparent. Nonetheless, the relative power crisis in which the hegemonic power – United States – is the protagonist, followed by the difficulties Europe is passing through, has put the middle powers in a privileged sphere.
Political Geography:
United States and Europe

3686. GEOGRAPHY AND MARITIME POTENTIAL OF CHINA AND IRAN

Author:
Sören Schlovin and Alexandr Burilkov
Publication Date:
03-2013
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
AUSTRAL: Brazilian Journal of Strategy International Relations
Institution:
Postgraduate Program in International Strategic Studies, Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul
Abstract:
In recent years, developments in Chinese and Iranian foreign policy have been a constant in discussions in the West, particularly in the United States. It is a haphazard process but the Chinese continue to modernize and expand their forces and strategic reach. In the meantime, Iranian political and military leaders are fond of reminding the world of their thousands of missiles that are supposedly but a push of a button away. Outlandish projects aside, when it comes to strictly maritime matters it becomes possible to see that each state has a certain maritime potential, meaning the ability to leverage the near and far seas so as to achieve its objectives at some point in the near future. We seek to show how this potential is influenced by geography.
Political Geography:
United States, China, and Iran

3687. Arctic Stewardship: Maintaining Regional Resilience in an Era of Global Change

Author:
Oran R. Young
Publication Date:
01-2013
Content Type:
Journal Article
Institution:
Carnegie Council
Abstract:
That the Arctic is undergoing transformative changes driven in large part by external forces is no longer news. The high latitudes of the Northern Hemisphere, which are not themselves significant sources of anthropogenic emissions of greenhouse gases (GHGs) or short-lived climate pollutants (such as black carbon soot), are experiencing effects attributable to climate change that are equal to or greater than those occurring in any of the planet's other large regions. Prominent among these effects are rising surface temperatures, a deepening of the active layer of the permafrost, the collapse of sea ice, increases in the intensity of coastal storm surges made possible by the retreat of sea ice, the accelerated melting of the Greenland ice sheet, and the acidification of marine systems. The deposition of black carbon in the high north alone - almost 60 percent of which is thought to originate in Europe - appears to account for half or more of the increase in temperature occurring in the Arctic. Positive feedback processes, such as lowered albedo (that is, the capacity of Earth's surface to reflect incoming solar radiation back into space) following the melting of ice at sea and snow on land, have the effect of magnifying the impact of these external forces. Nowhere is the challenge of adapting to the impacts of climate change more urgent than in Arctic coastal communities confronted with the need to relocate to avoid physical destruction. And nowhere are the threats to individual species (for example, the polar bear) and whole ecosystems more severe than they are in the Arctic, where biophysical changes are outstripping the capacity of plants and animals to adapt to altered conditions.

3688. Introductory Note

Author:
Steve Vanderheiden and Jonathan Pickering
Publication Date:
01-2013
Content Type:
Journal Article
Institution:
Carnegie Council
Abstract:
Recent developments in climate policy have done little to suggest that the world is acting quickly enough to avoid a dangerous rise in global temperatures. Despite some important steps in national policy-making-including the commencement of Australia ' s carbon pricing mechanism and the piloting of subnational emissions trading in China - the polarized nature of the climate debate in the United States continues to obstruct progress. Moreover, a substantial gap remains between the current policies of various countries and the level of mitigation needed to stay within the internationally agreed limit of a degrees Celsius rise in global temperature. To some observers, the United Nations climate change conference in Durban in 2011 offered hope for a long-term agreement that would be more inclusive than the Kyoto Protocol by securing the participation of major developing countries, such as India and China (which do not having binding mitigation commitments under the protocol), as well as developed countries, such as the United States (which failed to ratify the protocol). Yet, as it becomes increasingly clear that global emissions will need to peak within the next few years if we are to stem global warming, a dramatic change in short-term policies is also required.
Political Geography:
United States, China, and Australia

3689. "If Equity's In, We're Out": Scope for Fairness in the Next Global Climate Agreement

Author:
Steve Vanderheiden, Jonathan Pickering, and Seumas Miller
Publication Date:
01-2013
Content Type:
Journal Article
Institution:
Carnegie Council
Abstract:
In the final hours of the United Nations climate change conference held in Durban, South Africa, in late 2011, senior negotiators from wealthy and developing countries clustered in a widely reported "huddle" to resolve out- standing points of discord on how to launch negotiations for a long-term global climate agreement to succeed the Kyoto Protocol. Among the statements voiced in the huddle, one of the most intriguing was attributed to the lead United States negotiator, Todd Stern: "If equity's in, we're out." In other words, if the resulting decision contained any references to the term "equity," the United States would refuse to participate. As it transpired, the United States and like-minded countries succeeded on this point. The agreed upon Durban Platform for Enhanced Action contained no references either to equity or to the "common but differentiated responsibilities" of all parties for protecting the climate system. These omissions were notable since both are core principles of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC, Article), under whose auspices the negotiations took place.
Political Geography:
United States, South Africa, and Durban

3690. Climate Justice and Capabilities: A Framework for Adaptation Policy

Author:
David Schlosberg
Publication Date:
01-2013
Content Type:
Journal Article
Institution:
Carnegie Council
Abstract:
We are already living with climate change. While the political arguments about causes and responses drag on, the people who are directly affected by its very real and increasing effects are beginning to face the urgent new reality of adaptation. As has been well documented, actual trends for a number of indicators - warming, rising sea levels, and extreme weather, for example - have far exceeded the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change ' s (IPCC) predictions of just a few years ago. At the same time, one of the major political discourses surrounding climate change policy, at both the global and local level, has been that of climate justice. Climate justice theorists, governments of the most vulnerable nations, and activists and organizations in both local and global civil society have articulated a range of frameworks for understanding the relationship between the effects of climate change and conceptions of justice and fairness. These approaches include fairly straightforward polluter pays models (based on historical responsibility), fair share models (based on the equal allocation of emissions), and various rights-based models (such as development rights, human rights, and environmental rights). The strong assumption behind these models is that normative theories of climate justice can ground global climate policies. The question here is how those can be applied to the reality and necessity of adaptation.