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2. Transitional justice and women’s representation in peacebuilding: Myanmar and the case for Feminist Foreign Policy
- Author:
- Nang Moet Moet and Clara Bradley
- Publication Date:
- 03-2024
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- International Women's Development Agency (IWDA)
- Abstract:
- February 2024 marks three years since the start of the military coup which ignited Myanmar’s Spring Revolution. For the first time in the nation’s history, women have been at the forefront of the resistance, making up over 60 percent of the resistance movement.i The unprecedented number of women in the movement signals women’s refusal to live under patriarchal military rule. The modest yet critical gains made towards gender equality during the democratic period enabled a generation of women to see the value of their participation in broader functions of society. Reverting back to military rule would not just hinder progress on gender equality, it threatens the hardwon fundamental rights of women and girls. In a country shaped by decades of militarization, this war, like those before it, has compounded women’s experience of patriarchal violence. As Ethnic Armed Organisations (EAO) and the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) inch closer to defeating the Myanmar military (herein referred to as the ‘junta’), attention is turning to post-coup peace and nation building processes. At this important juncture in Myanmar’s political history, women are demanding adequate representation and genuine participation in peacebuilding processes, including transitional justice initiatives that adequately address violence against women in conflict. Over the decades of political instability, women have been repeatedly told that a democratic union must come before gender equality.ii The de-prioritisation of women’s participation in public life is embodied in the Constitution 2008, which clearly proscribes that ‘nothing in this section shall prevent appointment of men to positions that are naturally suitable for men only.’iii This subjugation of women’s rights to political stability is mirrored in traditional foreign policy approaches that prioritise the security of the nation state, rather than the security of the individuals within that state. A feminist foreign policy approach inverts the traditional hierarchy, understanding that security is not possible absent the conditions required for all people to flourish. Without addressing the structural roots of pervasive violence that has oppressed both women and ethnic minorities in Myanmar society for decades, there can be no durable peace. Countries that have adopted a feminist foreign policy – or those with a values-based foreign policy such as Australia – must invest in, and advocate for, the inclusion of women from all ethnic groups in future peace and transitional justice processes.
- Topic:
- Foreign Policy, Women, Transitional Justice, Feminism, and Representation
- Political Geography:
- Southeast Asia and Myanmar
3. Strengthening the Representation of Women in Diplomacy: Challenges and Policy Solutions
- Author:
- Marta Kozielska and Karen Smith
- Publication Date:
- 06-2024
- Content Type:
- Special Report
- Institution:
- LSE IDEAS
- Abstract:
- Women’s representation in international diplomacy is alarmingly low. Though it varies across countries and regions, women’s underrepresentation in international diplomacy is pervasive. Despite a few women holding senior leadership positions in prominent institutions such as the World Trade Organization, European Commission, International Monetary Fund, and European Central Bank, women’s representation within international organisations is unequal and only twenty percent of ambassadors worldwide are women. At the same time, research increasingly shows that diversity enhances decision-making capabilities, better addresses the needs of a diverse population, and embodies a commitment to the democratic principles of inclusion and tolerance. The LSE IDEAS Women in Diplomacy project was launched in 2022, and it leverages research, collaboration, and dialogue to address the misrepresentation and underrepresentation of women in this field. To better understand the barriers and enablers that affect women's progress within international diplomacy, the project team has thus far carried out twelve interviews with women who have held high-ranking diplomatic positions or have participated in international diplomatic processes. The interviewees have extensive experience within several sectors, including international trade, international security, international health, development, climate change, cultural diplomacy, and international criminal law. This report summarises key insights from the interviews, a review of the literature on women in diplomacy, and expert feedback. Women face many challenges when it comes to progressing and rising to the top within international diplomacy. This report makes recommendations to try to overcome these challenges, highlighting the significance of changes that need to occur at all levels: individual (centred on empowerment), community (focused on norms, behaviours, culture), and organisational (policy-driven structural change). The key recommendations for diplomatic services and international organisations are: create and implement tailored gender-equality plans which address issues regarding equal pay, parental leave and sexual harassment; collect and analyse gender-specific data to develop an evidence-based Equality, Diversity and Inclusion (EDI) strategy; align internal and external gender-equality policies, including in collaboration with stakeholders; ensure fair and inclusive recruitment processes, especially for senior and leadership positions, while fostering mentorship; implement formal and informal career development support, including for ‘trailing partners’; rethink building design and accessibility, including accessible bathrooms and child-care facilities; and finally, establish social inclusion and gender equality as non-negotiable, making the benefits known to everyone within the organisation. The Women in Diplomacy project will use this initial report and its recommendations as the basis for further dialogue and discussion with women’s networks and international organisations around insights, barriers and solutions.
- Topic:
- Diplomacy, Women, Representation, and Banking
- Political Geography:
- Europe and Global Focus
4. Representation of Muslims in Bollywood Cinema: A Study of ‘Padmaavat’ and ‘Bajirao Mastani’
- Author:
- Sarvat Iqbal and Saira Iqbal
- Publication Date:
- 01-2024
- Content Type:
- Journal Article
- Journal:
- South Asian Studies
- Institution:
- Department of Political Science, University of the Punjab
- Abstract:
- With the rise of Hindutva in India, Muslim representation has become a serious concern. ―Muslims‖ have often been dubbed as foreigners, bigoted, militant and terrorists. Medieval period has been depicted as a period of persecution of Hindus by the Muslims rulers. In India, film (Bollywood) is recognised as a powerful medium with a large local audience. Following the emergence of Hindutva, there was a significant increase in what we referred to as anti-Muslim films. These films often perpetuate negative stereotypes and fuel religious tensions in the country. This paper will examine the portrayal of mediaeval Muslim rulers in the Bollywood period drama films Padmaavat and Bajirao Mastani. Bollywood began in the 1930s and has since evolved into an enormous film empire. It produces movies primarily in the Hindi language and has a global audience. Bollywood produces a wide variety of films, including romantic dramas, action thrillers, comedies musicals and historical epics. Bollywood cinema has indeed portrayed medieval society in various films, often romanticizing or stereotyping certain aspects. In this paper two Bollywood movies-Padmaavat and Bajirao Mastani-are selected for detailed analysis of their stories and particularly their representation of the Muslims. Padmaavat movie is based on the Urdu epic poem by Malik Muhammad Jayasi in 13th century. Padmaavati was a Rajput Queen and Sultan Alauddin Khilji hearing of her beauty invaded her kingdom to claim her as his prize.Second movie is Bajirao Mastani which highlights the story of Maratha Peshwa, Bajirao and his relationship with his second wife, daughter of Rajput King Chhatrasal and Ruhani Bai.By examining the ways in which Bollywood cinema negotiates the complexities of the medieval past, particularly Hindu-Muslim relations, this research highlights the need for a more nuanced understanding of India‘s rich cultural history and its ongoing representation in popular culture. It will examine the representation of Muslims in these two movies and by comparative analysis, explore the ways and means by which the present concerns influence our representation of the past.
- Topic:
- Representation, Muslims, Hindutva, and Bollywood
- Political Geography:
- South Asia and India
5. Beyond Quotas: Examining Patriarchal Barriers to Women's Political Participation in Pakistan
- Author:
- Tariq Rahim
- Publication Date:
- 06-2024
- Content Type:
- Journal Article
- Journal:
- Journal of Political Studies
- Institution:
- Department of Political Science, University of the Punjab
- Abstract:
- The purpose of this study is to examine the complex interplay between Pakistan’s patriarchal system and women's limited participation in politics. It offers a critical analysis of the cultural barriers, gender biases, and structural constraints that hinder women's active engagement in Pakistani politics. The study argues that the deeply entrenched patriarchal structure in Pakistan reinforces power imbalances, which in turn restrict women's freedom, mobility, and autonomy. Women are assigned subordinate roles within the social hierarchy, discouraging their involvement in political processes. Although reserved seats have been established to improve women's representation in national and regional legislatures, women continue to face multiple challenges in political engagement, including limited access to resources, social resistance and male-dominated institutions. Addressing the issue of women's underrepresentation in Pakistani politics necessitates comprehensive efforts that involve challenging patriarchal norms, eliminating institutional barriers, ensuring equal access to resources and opportunities, and enacting laws and policies that protect and advance women's rights.
- Topic:
- Women, Domestic Politics, Representation, Engagement, Patriarchy, Political Participation, and Quota
- Political Geography:
- Pakistan and South Asia
6. The crisis of representation in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq
- Author:
- Erwin van Veen
- Publication Date:
- 04-2023
- Content Type:
- Special Report
- Institution:
- Clingendael Netherlands Institute of International Relations
- Abstract:
- Any discussion about democratization starts with a discussion about representation because the latter is a necessary – but insufficient condition – for the former. How and by whom are policy preferences of citizens identified, aggregated and articulated in public debate and public decision-making? Does this happen in part or in full, for all citizens or just some? Assessing the ‘state of representation’ provides a lens for examining the democratic potential of a particular structure of power. At least four dimensions matter: the level of citizens’ political awareness, the diversity of the ecology of social organisations that help identify citizen policy preferences, the depth of existing communal identity and mutual trust, as well as the nature of intermediaries that identify and nurture political talent. This paper applies the concept of representation to the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) and takes stock of its potential for improvement. It finds that all four dimensions of representation are in a poor state in the KRI at present. This manifests itself in, for example, low turnout rates, high levels of disenchantment with the ruling elite and growing polarization within and between political parties. The KRI remains a long way from being governed in a representative fashion, let alone in a democratic one. The region’s transition from totalitarian control, guerrilla-style rebellion and internal strife to a more stable, modern and representative polity was stymied by the emergence of family parties as key power brokers. Their capture of the Kurdistan Regional Government was largely enabled by the appropriation of unearned rents, especially from hydrocarbon sales, and maintained by armed groups linked to political parties. A process of de-representation has ensued. But the Barzani and Talabani family conglomerates that run the KRI face declining levels of public confidence and growing economic problems today. If Western countries wish to improve the state of representation in the KRI in this context, they will have to consider conditioning their engagement on improvements in the quality of governance, leveraging the importance of their presence to the high wire act that the Kurdish Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) perform to balance Iran, Turkey and Baghdad. Practically, this can be done by a coordinated diplomatic strategy that: a) engages the KDP and PUK leadership in a strategic conversation that clarifies how the extent of future Western presence, diplomatic attention and trade/investment are linked with the quality of representation; b) provides long-term support for locally-led civil society development; and c) pushes for limited but real Peshmerga reform in exchange for greater support.
- Topic:
- Democratization, Development, and Representation
- Political Geography:
- Iraq, Middle East, and Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI)
7. Why Women Haven’t Been Successful in Nigerian Elections
- Author:
- Elor Nkereuwem
- Publication Date:
- 05-2023
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
- Abstract:
- Women’s representation in Nigerian politics has been on a downward slide since 2011, and the 2023 elections in Africa’s largest economy confirmed the expectations of poor outcomes for women. The number of women in Nigeria’s National Assembly has fallen by 19 percent compared to the last assembly, with women now occupying 3 percent of seats in the Senate and 4 percent in the House of Representatives.1 To understand why Nigerian women performed so poorly in the recent elections, the 2022 primary elections provided insight into the challenges and barriers faced by women aspirants and candidates. The results of the various parties’ primary elections highlight enduring limitations to women’s representation in competitive politics in Nigeria. The country ranks in the bottom ten globally in women’s representation in national parliaments, according to the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU).2 This challenge of representation persists in spite of the near parity of voter registration between men and women in past election cycles.3
- Topic:
- Elections, Women, Domestic Politics, and Representation
- Political Geography:
- Africa and Nigeria
8. Chile’s New Constitutional Process Shifts to the Right
- Author:
- Cathy Schneider and Sofía Williamson-García
- Publication Date:
- 02-2023
- Content Type:
- Commentary and Analysis
- Institution:
- The North American Congress on Latin America (NACLA)
- Abstract:
- Hollowed-out political parties and the legacy of dictatorship once again leave Chile’s constitutional process hindered by a crisis of representation.
- Topic:
- Constitution, Domestic Politics, Representation, and Dictatorship
- Political Geography:
- South America and Chile
9. IMPROVING WOMEN’S EMPOWERMENT THROUGH DEVOLUTION IN KENYA: THE CASE OF NAIROBI AND KAKAMEGA COUNTIES
- Author:
- Sylvester Chisika and Chunho Yeom
- Publication Date:
- 03-2023
- Content Type:
- Journal Article
- Journal:
- Journal of Liberty and International Affairs
- Institution:
- Institute for Research and European Studies (IRES)
- Abstract:
- This study aimed to investigate the progress of women's empowerment through employment opportunities in Nairobi and Kakamega Counties in Kenya between 2013 and 2017. Despite the increasing policies that aim to mainstream social equity and equality, there is still a significant gap between policy commitments and practices. The study evaluated whether the implementation of devolved governance in the two counties has improved women's empowerment. The study's framework included an in-depth review of policy documents, official records, and reports from official websites to understand women's economic empowerment status in Nairobi and Kakamega. The study analyzed qualitative and quantitative data from County Integrated Development Plans and other secondary sources. Specifically, it examined compliance with the 30% gender rule, requiring women to hold at least 30% of all elective and appointive positions. The study found that Nairobi commands the largest share of formal sector wage employment in Kenya, and women's access to employment opportunities remains slightly lower than men in both counties. Despite implementing the 30% gender rule, the study revealed the need for more comprehensive policies that promote gender equality and women's economic empowerment in both Nairobi and Kakamega.
- Topic:
- Employment, Sustainable Development Goals, Representation, and Gender
- Political Geography:
- Kenya and Africa
10. Is Feminist Foreign Policy driving progress for women’s representation in diplomacy?
- Author:
- Caroline Green, Marta Kozielska, and Karen E. Smith
- Publication Date:
- 10-2023
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- LSE IDEAS
- Abstract:
- Building on an October 2022 Women in Diplomacy online event, this Strategic Update assesses the implications of feminist foreign policy (FFP) adoption for driving progress on improving women’s representation in diplomacy. Tracking the spread of FFPs globally and the ministers responsible for implementation, this paper focuses on their potential for improving or strengthening the role of women in diplomacy – including in ambassadorial and cabinet foreign-policy roles.
- Topic:
- Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, Women, Feminism, and Representation
- Political Geography:
- Global Focus