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121. L'invention de l'aide française au développement Discours, instruments et pratiques d'une dynamique hégémonique

Author:
Julien Meimon
Publication Date:
09-2007
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Centre d'Etudes et de Recherches Internationales
Abstract:
Dans le contexte international mouvementé de la fin des années 1950, la Ve République et ses dirigeants mettent en scène la fin du système colonial, c'est-à-dire de l'ensemble de ses institutions emblématiques : ministre et ministère de la « France d'outre-mer », corps administratifs de fonctionnaires coloniaux, et filière de recrutement (École nationale de la France d'outre-mer) disparaissent au profit d'un nouveau dispositif relativement complexe labellisé « coopération », et dont le ministère éponyme jouera un rôle important jusqu'à la fin du XXe siècle. La naissance de ce nouveau dispositif, résultant de l'éclatement de l'empire colonial, est largement associée à la problématique de l'aide au développement, et repose essentiellement sur des agents formés par les institutions coloniales, en quête de reconversion. C'est ce paradoxe d'une « nouvelle politique » incarnée par des agents imprégnés d'une culture coloniale que nous analyserons ici, en centrant notre regard sur ses modalités pratiques et discursives. On y décèlera l'une des faiblesses initiales de la politique africaine de la France, et l'une des raisons de son effritement progressif jusqu'à aujourd'hui.
Topic:
Post Colonialism
Political Geography:
Africa, Europe, and France

122. L'invention de l'aide française au développement. Discours, instruments et pratiques d'une dynamique hégémonique

Author:
Julien Meimon
Publication Date:
04-2007
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Centre d'Etudes et de Recherches Internationales
Abstract:
In the turbulent international context of the late 1950s, the French 5th Republic and its leaders orchestrated the end of the colonial system, i.e. all of its emblematic institutions: the French “Overseas” ministry and minister, the administrative corps of colonial functionaries and standard recruitment path (the École nationale de la France d'outremer ) disappeared, setting the stage for a new, fairly complex system labeled “ Coopération.” The ministry of the same name was to play a major role up until the end of the 20th century. This new system, which came about as a result of the breakup of the colonial empire, is closely related to the issue of development aid and relies essentially on civil servants having received their training in the colonial institutions and seeking for redeployment. This study analyzes the paradox of a “new policy” embodied by officials infused with a colonial culture, focusing on their reconversion in terms of deeds and discourse. This will point up one of the initial weaknesses of France's African policy and one of the reasons that it has slowly crumble.
Topic:
Development and Post Colonialism
Political Geography:
Africa, Europe, and France

123. Le Sangh Parivar et la diaspora hindoue en Occident : Royaume-Uni, États-Unis et Canada

Author:
Ingrid Therwath and Christophe Jaffrelot
Publication Date:
10-2007
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Centre d'Etudes et de Recherches Internationales
Abstract:
« Long-distance nationalism », an expression coined by Benedict Anderson, is often used in reference to transnational political activities. But the dynamics of this expatriate nationalism tend to be neglected. Mere nostalgia or even spontaneous mobilisations are evoked to explain this phenomenon. They, however, fail to explain the mechanism that lies behind « long-distance nationalism ». This paper wishes to highlight, through the example of the Hindu nationalist movements, the implication of political entrepreneurs in the country of origin and the instrumental dimension of « long-distance nationalism ». The Sangh Parivar, a network of nationalist Hindu organisations, was indeed replicated among the Hindu diaspora and its structure was litterally exported by a centralised body located in India itself. Of course, the spread of the Sangh Parivar and of its Hindutva ideology abroad was greatly facilitated by local policies like multiculturalism and by the rise of racism in the countries of emigration. A comparison of Hindu nationalist outlets in the United Kingdom, the United States of America and Canada brings to light the two main factors in instilling « long-distance nationalism » : a favorable local context for ethnic mobilisation among migrants on the one hand, and a centralised organisation in the country of origin on the other hand. Eventually, the engineering of long-distance Hindu nationalism from India questions the changing nature of nationalism in a globalised world.
Topic:
Globalization, Nationalism, and Post Colonialism
Political Geography:
United States, United Kingdom, America, Canada, India, East Asia, and Asia

124. Regime-Hybridity and violent civil societies in fragmented societies – conceptual considerations

Author:
Heidrun Zinecker
Publication Date:
01-2007
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
The Judith Reppy Institute for Peace and Conflict Studies
Abstract:
We postulate the following hypothesis: hybrid regimes are typical and are bound to remain the dominant type of political regime in developing countries due to the correlation between regime hybridity and the rent economy that exists in those countries. Regime-Hybrids contain both democratic and non-democratic segments. In contrast to assumptions made in the relevant literature, non-democratic segments are not necessarily authoritarian, and these can exist both within the state and within civil society. This hypothesis requires an expanded definition of the political regime to include not only the state but also the civil society. In countries with regime-hybrids, the civil society is characterized by non-autonomy and fragmentation in general and violent fragmentation in particular.
Topic:
Conflict Resolution, Democratization, Development, and Post Colonialism
Political Geography:
Latin America

125. Global Civil War and Post-colonial Studies

Author:
Heike Härting
Publication Date:
05-2006
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Institute on Globalization and the Human Condition, McMaster University
Abstract:
This essay addresses the lack of a post-colonial critique of emerging political and cultural theories of global war (Hardt and Negri 2004; Kaldor 2001; Held 2003; Clark 2003). With the exception of Paul Gilroy's study Postcolonial Melancholia (2005) and Gayatri Spivak's essay "Terror: A Speech After 9- 11," which in part examine how discourses of racialized violence legitimize contemporary global wars and their "extreme" "civilizing mission" (Spivak 2004, 82), post-colonial theorists have so far been reluctant to engage in a sustained critique of global warfare. On the one hand, this reluctance might derive from the field's preferred critical engagement, as Tim Brennan observes, with Eurocentrism rather than questions of "military occupation" (2004, 132). On the other, such a reluctance seems surprising given that post-colonial studies is traditionally concerned with the ways in which past and contemporary forms of imperial, colonial, and racialized violence have shaped present subjectivities and political, economic, and social relationships. More importantly, the task of post-colonial studies remains the unsettling of contemporary configurations of what Diana Brydon identifies as "imperial and colonial habits of mind" (1995, 10-11), and along with David Goldberg and Ato Quayson, the "dismantling of the conditions that produce [social] violence and anguish" (2002, xiii). Thus, a critical post-colonial anatomy of the social and cultural logic of global civil warfare would seem intrinsic to the field's traditional research concerns. More specifically, while, amongst many others, such theorists and writers as Frantz Fanon, Edward Said, Ngugi Wa Thiongo, Anne McClintock, Wole Soyinka, Ken Saro Wiva, and Bapsi Sidhwa have written extensively about civil and communal warfare, they have done so in the context of particular anti-colonial liberation struggles and post-colonial and neo-colonial nation formation. In part, these writers' works underlie but are not sufficiently acknowledged as a constitutive force in the articulation of dominant contemporary notions of global civil war.
Topic:
Civil War, Globalization, Post Colonialism, and Terrorism

126. Empire Writes Back: Between Dreams of Trespass and Fantasies of Resistance

Author:
Alina Sajed
Publication Date:
11-2006
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Institute on Globalization and the Human Condition, McMaster University
Abstract:
This paper attempts to address the issues of what is at stake in reading between East and West, and how orality might pose a challenge to the legitimized academic views of doing research and of attaining knowledge. Indeed, I find myself situated somewhere in the middle between East and West. I come from an Eastern European country, in which the mélange of Western and Eastern elements can be confusing at best. Romanian culture (if one can talk of a unified and homogeneous cultural system which would bear the unambiguous mark of Romanian-ness) has been profoundly influenced both by its Eastern neighbours (influence which sometimes materialized into lengthy occupation by the Ottoman Empire) and by Western ideas and practices that have been imported both by foreign travellers and by the local intelligentsia. Boasting rich and captivating oral traditions, Romanian culture has also been under the tyranny of the written sign. It has sometimes tried to negotiate between the two, but not without doing violence to the richness of the former, while acknowledging the modern necessity and superior expediency of the latter.
Topic:
Globalization, Politics, and Post Colonialism
Political Geography:
Europe and Romania

127. DEMOCRACY, DIVERSITY, AND CONFLICT: Religious Zionism and Israeli Foreign Policy

Author:
Claudia Baumgart
Publication Date:
12-2006
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
The Judith Reppy Institute for Peace and Conflict Studies
Abstract:
Israel's disengagement from the Gaza strip in 2005 marked a momentous turning point in the conflict between Israel and the Palestinian people. After 37 years of occupation, Israel has pulled out from this densely populated strip of land at the Eastern coast of the Mediterranean Sea, but it still keeps its military control over all access to the Gaza strip via land, sea, and air. The new government of Ehud Olmert is now debating the next step: to retreat from large parts of the West Bank. While presenting the concept of unilateral disengagement as a necessary step towards peace with the Palestinians, Ariel Sharon and his successor Ehud Olmert made it very clear that, on the other hand, Israel intends to keep and even expand the major Jewish settlements in the West Bank. Olmert's convergence plan reflects these intentions by openly announcing that the settlement blocs would remain a part of the State of Israel forever. But for a certain portion of the Israeli population, this is not enough. In the run-up to the Gaza disengagement, Israel was flooded with Orange – the colour that the disengagement opponents chose to mark their fierce protest against the evacuation of Jewish settlements. Settlers in orange T-Shirts gathered in mass demonstrations, waved Israeli flags with orange ribbons, blocked main roads in the midst of rush hour, quarrelled with security forces and tried to convince soldiers to refuse orders during evacuation. A small minority even threatened to violently resist the evacuation of their homes.
Topic:
Foreign Policy, Ethnic Conflict, Post Colonialism, and Religion
Political Geography:
Middle East and Israel

128. Containing the Dangers of Democratization: A Record of Peacebuilding in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Author:
Thorsten Gomes
Publication Date:
12-2006
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
The Judith Reppy Institute for Peace and Conflict Studies
Abstract:
Peacebuilding aims at creating structures and capabilities within the affected society which will avoid the relapse into armed conflict. Since the end of the Cold War, democratization has been chosen as the standard strategy of peacebuilding. Democracy provides an alternative to armed conflict. Governments can be removed without bloodshed, and other political intra-state disputes may be settled or solved non-violently as well. Democracy deserves a prominent place in theories of civil peace. Nevertheless, some dangers for civil peace and the democratic order itself have roots in the elements of democracy. Democratic liberties can just as well be (ab)used by anti-democrats as by extremists, and thus democratic systems bear the risk of their own overthrow. A second danger results from the political contestation that characterizes democracy. Competition offers incentives for candidates and political parties to inflame hatred and fear in order to win the support of as many people as possible. A third peril is the use of majority rule to exclude whole conflict parties from political decision-making or to ignore their needs and interests completely. Under the specific conditions of post-war societies the destructive potential of democracy and democratization is more easily activated. That is due to the fact that war has pushed back democratic attitudes and actors, while extremist and criminal actors have risen into high social and political positions. Compared to well-established democracies, it is less likely that democratic rules will be obeyed. Conflict parties abide less by democratic norms and distrust each other more than in consolidated democracies. Democratic contestation means “organized uncertainty” (Adam Przeworski). In post-war societies, however, there is so much at stake that uncertainty seems to be more threatening than in established and consolidated democracies.
Topic:
Democratization, Ethnic Conflict, and Post Colonialism
Political Geography:
Europe, Herzegovina, Eastern Europe, and Balkans

129. Diversity, Conflict, and State Failure: Chances and Challenges for Democratic Consolidation in Georgia after the after the "Rose Revolution"

Author:
Pamela Jawad
Publication Date:
12-2006
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
The Judith Reppy Institute for Peace and Conflict Studies
Abstract:
The events of November 2003, taking place against the backdrop of extensive election fraud and mass demonstrations in Georgia, resulted in the non-violent change of government known as the Rose Revolution. It brought a young administration under Mikheil Saakashvili into power and gave rise to hopes for an advance in the democratic consolidation that has been stalled since 2001, thus unfolding a political dynamic of unexpected chances and challenges.
Topic:
Conflict Resolution, Democratization, Ethnic Conflict, and Post Colonialism
Political Geography:
Europe, Eastern Europe, and Georgia

130. Managing ethnic divisions in the Philippines and Malaysia

Author:
Peter Kreuzer
Publication Date:
12-2006
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
The Judith Reppy Institute for Peace and Conflict Studies
Abstract:
Another lesson of history may be lost, a lesson that can teach not only Malaysians but others as well about the conduct of Government, the behaviour of politicians, and the discipline required in a democracy in order to prevent a multi-ethnic, multi-religious, multi-lingual and multicultural country from going up in flames and destroying itself.
Topic:
Conflict Resolution, Ethnic Conflict, Islam, and Post Colonialism
Political Geography:
Malaysia, Asia, and Philippines