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581. Relics of Cold War: Europe's Challenge, Ukraine's Experience

Author:
Oleksiy Melnyk, Ian Anthony, and Alyson J. K. Bailes
Publication Date:
11-2003
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Stockholm International Peace Research Institute
Abstract:
In 1989, the year when the death knell sounded for the Communist bloc in Europe and for the 'cold war' which it had pursued with the West, a total of 6–7.6 million personnel depending on the method of counting (2.5–3.7 million from the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, NATO, and 3.5–3.9 million from the Warsaw Treaty Organization, WTO) stood in arms within the European theatre. This included some 915 000 forces stationed outside their national borders inter alia from Canada, the Soviet Union and the United States. In the same area there were 80 400 main battle tanks, 76 300 armoured combat vehicles (ACVs), 67 700 heavy artillery pieces, 11 160 combat aircraft and 2615 attack helicopters—as well as many millions of smaller and lighter weapons. Aimed at each other as part of the East–West strategic confrontation, the USA and the USSR in 1990 deployed 10 563 and 10 271 strategic nuclear warheads respectively, while the United Kingdom possessed 300 and France 621. In addition, significant proportions of European territory (especially in the 'front-line' states such as the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic, GDR) were taken up by military bases, exercise areas and other facilities such as airfields and pipelines. Large sectors of industry and of scientific, technological, and research and development (R) work were devoted to the needs of military defence. The resources involved were shut out from peaceful, civilian use more emphatically than would normally be the case today, because the bitterness of the strategic confrontation—and the associated risks of espionage and subversion—imposed a degree of secrecy often creating a situation where the citizens of a given state did not know what was happening on their own territory.
Topic:
NATO, Politics, and Sovereignty
Political Geography:
Russia, Europe, and Ukraine

582. NATO Nuclear Non-Proliferation Policies in a Changing Threat Environment

Author:
Morten Bremer Maerli (ed) and Allistair Millar(ed)
Publication Date:
05-2003
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Norwegian Institute of International Affairs
Abstract:
This report summarises the conference “NATO Nuclear Non-Proliferation Policies in a Changing Threat Environment” convened in , Oslo, 12 May 2003. The conference was co-organised by the Fourth Freedom Forum, the Norwegian Atlantic Committee, and the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs. It was co-sponsored by the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Norwegian Ministry of Defence and the Ploughshares Foundation.
Topic:
NATO, Arms Control and Proliferation, Nuclear Weapons, and Peace Studies
Political Geography:
Norway and Oslo

583. Potential and Limits of the Pact of Stability for South East Europe: Prioritising Objectives

Author:
Plamen Pantev
Publication Date:
02-2003
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Austrian National Defence Academy
Abstract:
The Pact of Stability for South East Europe was “born” after the end of the Kosovo crisis in 1999 as a concept of dealing radically with the Balkan instabilities, but also as a geopolitical compromise of the great power centres, involved in the treatment of the post-Yugoslav conflicts. The ripeness of launching this concept and policy had several dimensions: Most of the countries from South East Europe, especially those in transition to democracy and market economy, had a definite strategy of integrating in both the European Union and in NATO; A certain level of regional cooperation had already been reached in the years that preceded the Kosovo crisis in 1999; Influential external powers had already realised that the Balkans need to be treated in the long-term only in a benign way to overcome historical deficiencies and belated modernisation of the economy, society, politics, technology and infrastructure; The disgusting consequences of four post-Yugoslav wars – a development that did not happen to two other former federal structures in Central and Eastern Europe (the Czechoslovak and the Soviet) necessitated a comprehensive and encompassing approach to deal with the plethora of issues in the Balkans, and the EU gradually evolved to the understanding that an additional strategic instrument needs to be launched to cope with the risks and instabilities in the region of South East Europe on the way of its own expansion and of turning the Balkan Peninsula into an integral part of the Union.
Topic:
Security, NATO, Development, and International Cooperation
Political Geography:
Europe, Eastern Europe, Kosovo, and Balkans

584. The Balkans Stability Pact As a Regional Conflict Management and Prevention 'Space': An Evaluation

Author:
Dennis J.D. Sandole
Publication Date:
02-2003
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Austrian National Defence Academy
Abstract:
My general goal in this presentation, as it is for all of us at this workshop, is to examine the Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe: the "pearl of the German presidency of the European Union" adopted in Köln on 10 June 1999, the day that NATO's 78-day bombing campaign of Serbia ceased.
Topic:
Conflict Resolution, NATO, and International Cooperation
Political Geography:
Europe, Eastern Europe, Germany, and Serbia

585. Food for Thought the Stability Pact for South East Europe - Dawn of an Era of Regional Co-Operation?

Author:
Gjergj Murra
Publication Date:
02-2003
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Austrian National Defence Academy
Abstract:
These past three years have been a useful learning process for the Stability Pact. Some achievements are visible, but there also has been much criticism with regards to its real outcome and performance. However, an independent assessment of the process is needed to analyse what is functioning well, and what could be improved, as judged by participants from the region. So far either no through assessment is done, or assessment have been at project level, (technical, in terms of project completion, disbursement, timing, task performed), not in terms of the political goal that projects were designed to achieve. One of the main lessons appears to be the need to refine the approach and priorities. Some topics have already found an answer, while for some other a clearer vision in needed.
Topic:
Foreign Policy, NATO, International Cooperation, and International Organization
Political Geography:
Europe and Eastern Europe

586. Managing Canada-U.S. Relations in the Post 9-11 Era: Do We Need a Big Idea?

Author:
Donald Barry
Publication Date:
11-2003
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Center for Strategic and International Studies
Abstract:
The remarkable growth of Canadian-U.S. economic integration, combined with the security implications of the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks on the United States, have brought the management of Canada-U.S. relations into sharp focus. The most important challenge facing Canadian decisionmakers is how to respond to the new security environment while ensuring the uninterrupted flow of people and commerce across the 3, 989-mile common border. The dimensions of the challenge became apparent in the immediate aftermath of September 11 when the United States temporarily closed its borders in reaction to the attacks. Quick action by the Canadian government led to the “Smart Border Declaration” in December 2001, to secure the border while facilitating the flow of low-risk people and goods. Since then, Ottawa and Washington have been working to flesh out the principles contained in the declaration and to bolster other aspects of their cooperation.
Topic:
NATO and Treaties and Agreements
Political Geography:
United States, Washington, Canada, and North America

587. Shoulder to Shoulder - an Interview Series December 2003

Author:
Loretta Bondi
Publication Date:
12-2003
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Center for Transatlantic Relations
Abstract:
CTR: How did the idea of the arrest warrant come about? António Vitorino: The 1999 Amsterdam Treaty expressly provided for the replacement of extradition procedures with a fast-track surrender mechanism. The meeting in Tampere that same year [creating an area of freedom, security and justice in the European Union] developed that idea. We have worked on it since 2000 and completed this work in September 2001. We presented our findings to the Council just eight days after the September 11 attacks. Work on the warrant was completed in just two months. The arrest warrant introduces an unprecedented expedited process, which abolishes formal and lengthy extradition procedures. It is based on the principle of mutual recognition of judicial decisions among EU members, that is, a decision of a member state tribunal should be executed in another member state as easily and quickly as possible.
Topic:
Security and NATO
Political Geography:
United States and Europe

588. Shoulder to Shoulder - an Interview Series November 2003

Author:
Loretta Bondi
Publication Date:
11-2003
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Center for Transatlantic Relations
Abstract:
CTR: Will the attack against the Italian contingent in Iraq affect the Conference's debate? Dario Rivolta: This national tragedy will not change our country's posture towards the region. There are international factors that go beyond Euro- Mediterranean cooperation and that need to be tackled in a wider discussion. The attack against the carabinieri underscores the urgency of strengthening our collaboration with Arab states.
Topic:
Security and NATO
Political Geography:
Europe and Middle East

589. Shoulder to Shoulder - an Interview Series October 2003

Author:
Loretta Bondi
Publication Date:
10-2003
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Center for Transatlantic Relations
Abstract:
CTR: Will the Conference and its declaration offer a blueprint for a new security treaty to replace the 1947 Rio Treaty? Ambassador Miguel Ruiz- Cabañas: The Conference's declaration encapsulates the main security concerns of the hemisphere such as terrorism, organized crime, the illicit trafficking in persons and arms, poverty, HIV/AIDS and attacks on cyber security. It is a political document, not a legally binding instrument such as a treaty. It will have both a political and a moral impact. I believe that it would be difficult to draft a new treaty. Our approach is similar to such regional organizations that have reformulated their priorities not through a treaty, but through a new political declaration. I must add, however, that the Conference's draft declaration contains a paragraph calling for an assessment of the Rio Treaty to reflect the new security challenges facing the hemisphere. It has been proposed that next year, an expert working group could start meeting to evaluate whether OAS instruments and agreements are working and how they can be improved. The important fact is that, with this Conference and for the first time in fifty years, the region will commit to an updated vision of security based on common values and concerns.
Topic:
Security and NATO
Political Geography:
United States and Europe

590. Shoulder to Shoulder - an Interview Series September 2003

Author:
Loretta Bondi
Publication Date:
09-2003
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Center for Transatlantic Relations
Abstract:
CTR: What prompted India to introduce the draft? Ambassador Vijay Nambiar: The challenge of confronting terrorism is nothing new to us. India has been a victim of terrorism for more than two decades. As victims, we are committed to eradicating this threat from our societies.
Topic:
Security and NATO
Political Geography:
United States and Europe