The current paper, developed in connection to an ECMI project implemented in Azerbaijan in 2014, explores the transferability of successful reconciliation and intercultural cohesion mechanisms from one region or a country to another. Analysing the positive example of Schleswig-Holstein and the conflict region of Nagorno-Karabakh, the paper aims at overcoming the specific context related issues and to look at the structural factors that need to be considered if a model is to be adapted to a historically, geographically, and culturally different case.
The concept of ‘institutional completeness’, which refers to the organizational influence of a minority group and the degree to which it can provide its members with all necessary services, has recently enjoyed renewed interest in Canada. ‘Institutional completeness’ could represent an interesting avenue of ‘non-territorial autonomy’ for European minorities, one that might curtail some of the issues associated to current arrangements delegating power and autonomy to minorities, which often remain more ornamental than substantial. This paper exposes the recent jurisprudential developments in Canada pertaining to the modernization and revival of the concept of ‘institutional completeness’, most notable in the sphere of education for Francophone minority groups living outside of the province of Quebec, and encourages an in-depth exploration of the concept and of its potential not only for the autonomy of minorities, but also as a means of compensation for past harms and injustices.
Topic:
International Affairs and Political and institutional effectiveness
The aim of this working paper is to compare the language policies of Finland and Sweden, especially in the field of education for the Sami population. The analysis is carried out on a macro level; firstly it investigates and examines how Finland and Sweden have intro-duced legislation to protect Sami languages, followed by a discussion of the current situa-tions in the field of education, according to each stage of education. A comparison of the two nations highlights their different outcomes due to the different policies of their governments.
The Russian-speaking population of Estonia experienced serious problems on the labour market and in education in the years following the post-Soviet transition. The perception of inequality is typical among minority groups. Nowadays there are no significant disparities in terms of health conditions or access to the health care system for majority and minority groups; however, there are accumulated negative factors for the minority population, especially when we look closer at socially marginalised groups. In addition to their generally weaker socio-economic status, many Russophones face the problem of social exclusion, proven by higher rates of extreme poverty, incarceration, and homelessness, trafficking victimisation, drug abuse and HIV/AIDS. All these factors may have an adverse effect on the enjoyment by ethnic minorities of the right to health. Considering the demographic make-up of Estonia, a reduced use of the Russian language in the provision of health services has emerged as a new challenge to the national health care system.
This paper examines the prevalence of Roma voices in Swedish and German newspaper articles. It explores the importance of discursive self-representation for minority and marginalised groups, and evaluates the degree to which a voice is afforded to the Roma in three of the largest newspapers in each country, across a varied political spectrum. Sweden and Germany are leaders in minority protection and both profess to be seeking solutions to the widespread discrimination against Roma within their own countries and across Europe, and therefore provide interesting comparative case studies, both due to their historical relationship with Roma communities and in light of contemporary events. This paper uses quantitative analysis to determine the percentage of newspaper articles about Roma that include a Roma voice, and the findings are analysed using theories regarding European identity-building, Orientalism, and media discourse.
The Crisis between Russia and the West is associated with Crimea and Russia’s actions in Donbass and Ukraine; in fact, it has deeper roots while its long-term repercussions might prove to be much graver than expect- ed. a large-scale armed clash cannot be excluded even if this possibility is gradually reducing; we should be ready to political confrontation and contracted economic ties. Today, Europe is facing an even greater threat: a civilizational divorce with Russia.
A part of the western world, Europe, however, has been very selective about alien cultures and civilizations; not a “melting pot” american style, it is paying dearly for this function imposed on it. The disagreements on the migration issues in the european corridors of power threaten the cohesion of the european Unity. Frau Merkel who demon- strated a no mean determination to meet a new wave of migrants with maximal openness and tolerance had already accepted the failure of mul- ticulturalism. This means that Berlin has no answer to the question about how to cope with the migrants who have arrived in thousands and mil- lions to europe to stay.