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31. The Crisis of the WTO and New Direction for Negotiation Strategies of Korea

Author:
Jin Kyo Suh, Cheon-Kee Lee, Jukwan Lee, Ji Hyeon Kim, and Myeonghwa Jung
Publication Date:
06-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Korea Institute for International Economic Policy (KIEP)
Abstract:
The WTO is facing a historical crisis. Its main functions ‒ namely, providing a negotiating forum, administrating WTO trade agreements and monitoring national trade policies, and resolving trade disputes ‒ have been significantly paralyzed. Although the cause of the crisis is partly institutional, higher uncertainty is also a considerable problem aggravating the fate of the multilateral trading system. Such uncertainty comes from two factors: rising protectionism, and trade frictions between developed and developing countries including those between the United States and China. Meanwhile, the WTO also needs to respond to rapid structural changes in global trade. The center of the world’s trade is shifting towards trade in services. The development and spread of information and communication technology (ICT) are making it easier to supply services across borders. The regionalization or localization of global value chains (GVCs) continues and GVCs are shifting towards knowledge-based goods. Therefore, the WTO faces a historical challenge it is highly unlikely to survive without proper reflection on the new trends of global trade. With Korea no longer claiming for preferential treatments as a developing country, it could take relatively firm negotiating positions at the WTO concerning market expansion and improved access towards foreign markets. Moreover, Korea could contribute as a mediator to speak for balancing the interests of both developed and developing countries on conflicting issues, such as the developing country status. Korea also needs to establish a more precise give-and-take negotiation strategy in future WTO negotiations on agriculture, non-agriculture, and service sectors to maximize its national interests. In particular, Korea should put stress on services and TRIPs negotiations to ensure its international competitiveness on those sectors. Trade in services and IP will dominate trade in goods. Korea also should focus on how to raise the efficiency and stability of the East-Asian regional value chains by strengthening its co-operation with China, Japan, and Southeast Asia. At the same time, Korea needs to consider ways to become the bridgehead connecting East Asia’s value chains to either North America’s value chains or the EU’s value chains utilizing given FTAs with those economies. Finally, Korea should prepare for the emergence of various forms of plurilateral negotiations and where appropriate, take lead and reflect its national interests on the final outcome.
Topic:
Development, International Trade and Finance, Negotiation, Trade Policy, and WTO
Political Geography:
South Korea

32. The Reform of the WTO's Appellate Body: An Economic Perspective

Author:
Sangjun Yea
Publication Date:
05-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Korea Institute for International Economic Policy (KIEP)
Abstract:
Throughout this study, I consider some possible changes that may occur when the WTO’s AB is reformed based on the opinions stated by the US. Especially focusing on the issues of activist AB and its reviewing member countries’ domestic law, I conclude that banning the AB’s activist role may result in more opportunistic and inefficient policy choices on the part of member countries as to importing industries with less disputes cases. Regarding the latter issue, I argue that limiting the AB’s standard of review does not much change strategic decisions of member countries.
Topic:
Reform, Economy, and WTO
Political Geography:
Global Focus and United States of America

33. Services Trade Needs to be Taken as Seriously as Goods Trade

Author:
Anna Guildea and David Henig
Publication Date:
07-2021
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
European Centre for International Political Economy (ECIPE)
Abstract:
Services constitute at least a quarter of total trade. Between 2009 and 2019 global services trade increased by nearly 50%, compared to 18% for goods trade. Yet it is rarely taken as seriously as goods in global trade policy discourse. This is a problem when making the case for trade.
Topic:
Globalization, Services, Trade, and WTO
Political Geography:
Global Focus

34. Europe’s Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism: Time to Go Back to the Drawing Board

Author:
Fredrik Erixon
Publication Date:
11-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
European Centre for International Political Economy (ECIPE)
Abstract:
This Policy Brief takes stock of the global and European trade and carbon-emission effects from CBAM. It argues that the current design of the CBAM is not good enough and, ultimately, that there are risks that it will dent the positive effects on global carbon emissions that come from a lower cap on carbon emissions in Europe. These effects will happen through trade and the reallocation of production – and from retaliatory responses from countries that will be negatively affected by the CBAM. This Policy Brief provides recommendations on what the EU could do to improve the CBAM. First, it should respond better to concerns about WTO compatibility. No one knows if CBAM would stand up in a WTO dispute, or if the issue of WTO compatibility is of relevance at all. What we do know, however, is that the EU is going a bit off-piste with CBAM, and it knows it. It’s better to address these issues directly than to pretend that they don’t exist. It could, for instance, pre-empt problems by offering compensatory concessions for affected countries. Moreover, the revenues raised by CBAM fees could be paid out to the origin country for the exports. There will be a price for the EU to pay and the more front-footed it is, the more choices it will have in deciding what political currency to use for the payment. Second, the EU should address development problems that will arise from CBAM. The genie is already out of the bottle since development concerns have been raised by the European Parliament and EU member states. Something will have to be done to avoid that CBAM makes it harder for poor countries to improve their welfare. Third, the EU should provide workable ideas for how CBAM could be anchored in trade and climate agreements. If more economies go off-piste in their climate policies (e.g. in subsidies and procurement), the EU is going to be harmed. Hence, the EU has a strong interest to establish an example and provide international rules for how other countries should act in the future when they take measures that ‘beggar-thy-neighbour’. Fourth, the EU should provide a realistic assessment of what retaliatory strategies that other countries will use against the EU, and get a much better understanding of the dynamic or second-order actions that CBAM will prompt. These actions can have a very bad impact on both EU growth and its efforts to decarbonise the economy. It is just decadent to avoid dealing with them pre-emptively. Finally, and more ambitiously, the EU should consider how it can avoid that CBAM (not the ETS) provokes carbon leakage through both imports and exports. In its current shape, the CBAM provides an incentive to move imports up the value-chain and reallocate imports to goods with embodied carbon. Moreover, the CBAM will reduce the external competitiveness of EU exports, leading to a reduction in foreign sales. Both effects will move the global production of CBAM goods to countries with lower carbon costs and higher carbon intensity in the production.
Topic:
Climate Change, European Union, Trade, Carbon Emissions, and WTO
Political Geography:
Europe

35. The Future of EU Leadership in the Car Industry: Still Global

Author:
David Henig and Hosuk Lee-Makiyama
Publication Date:
12-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
European Centre for International Political Economy (ECIPE)
Abstract:
Automotive is Europe’s key export industry, an important contributor to the EU economy, from balance of payments to employment, and a manufacturing base to global and European brands; Balancing the EU’s climate ambitions (and its implied economic transformation) with a successful EU car industry is therefore crucially important. The car industry is at the forefront of new initiatives to tackle the climate emergency, shaped by these new regulations its products and infrastructure will be radically different in just a few years; Proposals within EU frameworks such as Green Deal, Fit for 55, and Next Generation EU are about reducing emissions and reshaping industry. Yet, the policy mix also leans towards increased regulatory costs and loss of competitiveness that can only be partially offset by climate subsidies and import substitution; This cumulation of measures also carries significant risk of retaliation from our key export markets for the car industry. In particular, attempts to apply green regulation extraterritorially are seen as provocative by third countries and unlikely to be accepted without response; Since the EU is the world’s largest exporter of passenger cars, it has most to lose if the global economy regresses into protected markets. Open global supply chains also enable EU manufacturing to retain competitiveness, and has also helped to keep the component and services portion of the industry going despite a relative decline of demand in motor vehicles in the EU; Consumer support for Green Deal initiatives will be lost if there are no affordable and sustainable alternatives for personal mobility – which also requires open markets. Thus, cars play a significant role in sustaining both EU macroeconomic stability and support for the Green Deal; The Green Deal and an open economy must not become a binary choice for Europe. The automotive industry is today global, digitised and electrified by default. The EU cannot mass-produce locally unless it can also compete globally – which entails facilitating industry transition, minimising retaliatory risks and understanding the biggest transition the industry is facing since Henry Ford’s invention of the assembly line.
Topic:
Globalization, European Union, WTO, Green Deal, and Automotive Industry
Political Geography:
Europe and Global Focus

36. Assisting Uzbekistan's parliament with specific issues pertaining to Uzbekistan's WTO accession process

Author:
Iljir Baftijari, André-Philippe Ouellet, and Ayong Lim
Publication Date:
02-2021
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Centre for Trade and Economic Integration, The Graduate Institute (IHEID)
Abstract:
This Memorandum is prepared to guide the Beneficiary through Uzbekistan’s accession process to the World Trade Organization (hereinafter WTO). Uzbekistan’s accession process began in December 1994 but remained dormant until July 2020. Now, the Uzbek government has expressed enthusiasm for pursuing accession to the WTO. The Memorandum offers a general overview of the accession process and addresses specific questions relating to Uzbekistan’s WTO accession. The findings in this Memorandum are based largely on comparative research of recent WTO accessions with a focus on the WTO members in the Eurasian region. We have reviewed the documents submitted during Eurasian WTO members’ accession process, along with the academic sources discussing such accessions. We also analysed Uzbekistan’s current trade relationships to evaluate the pros and cons of Uzbekistan’s accession to the WTO. We likewise analysed the considerations pertaining to EAEU membership by focusing on other WTO members in the region. Finally, to analyse the potential changes to two laws submitted by the Beneficiary with regards to its accession process. We thus have reviewed the two Uzbek acts against the backdrop of: WTO Covered Agreements, the WTO Checklist for accessions, and other amended legislation of members that recently acceded to the WTO accessions for consistency
Topic:
International Law, International Political Economy, International Trade and Finance, Trade, WTO, and Parliamentarism
Political Geography:
Uzbekistan

37. How to rein in fossil fuel subsidies ? Towards a New WTO Regime

Author:
Simon Happersberger, Eleanor Mateo, and Selcukhan Ünekbas
Publication Date:
08-2021
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Centre for Trade and Economic Integration, The Graduate Institute (IHEID)
Abstract:
Fossil fuel subsidies have negative consequences on the climate change, public budgets and and the transition to an environmentally friendly economy. Nevertheless, governments do not keep up with their commitments to phase out fossil fuel subsidies but misallocate again COVID-19 recovery funds in fossil fuel subsidies. This article provides an analysis of the current obstacles for phasing out fossil fuel subsidies and the potential of the WTO to advance a reform on fossil fuel subsidies. It argues that the WTO can contribute to a fossil fuel subsidies reform by its technical expertise in regulating subsidies, by its broad membership and by its institutional setting. Under the current framework of the ASCM, WTO member can use existing mechanisms, such as the TPRM, to increase transparency in the short term and facilitate discussions on the scope of subsidies while mitigating impacts on vulnerable groups or sectors. This would provide the ground for governments to work towards a new and ambitious agreement to stop producer fossil fuels subsidies and phase out consumer fossil fuels subsidies in the mid-to-long-term. However, the phase out of consumer subsidies needs to be carefully designed and embedded, to avoid unintended consequences on energy access and vulnerable households.
Topic:
Climate Change, Environment, International Trade and Finance, Natural Resources, Trade, Fossil Fuels, COVID-19, WTO, and Ecology
Political Geography:
Global Focus

38. Quantifying Investment Facilitation at Country Level: Introducing a New Index

Author:
Axel Berger, Ali Dadkhah, and Zoryana Olekseyuk
Publication Date:
01-2021
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
German Council on Foreign Relations (DGAP)
Abstract:
This article introduces a new and unique dataset for measuring the adoption of investment facilitation measures at country level. The Investment Facilitation Index (IFI) covers 117 individual investment facilitation measures, clustered in six policy areas, and maps their adoption for 86 countries. This article presents the conceptual and methodological background of the IFI and provides a first analysis of the level of adoption of investment facilitation measures across countries participating in the investment facilitation for development negotiations in the World Trade Organization (WTO). Our dataset reveals novel insights. Countries which have lower levels of adoption belong to the low-income and lower-middle-income country group and are often located in Africa, the Middle East and to some extent Latin America and the Caribbean. The strong correlation between FDI and the IFI score shows that countries with the lowest levels of FDI, and thus in need of policy tools to attract FDI, have the lowest levels of adoption when it comes to investment facilitation measures. Our dataset has direct relevance for current policy discussions on investment facilitation for development in the WTO but also for domestic-level policy-making. Furthermore, the IFI provides the basis for a future research agenda to assess the design and impact of a future WTO agreement.
Topic:
Development, Investment, and WTO
Political Geography:
Africa, Middle East, Latin America, and Caribbean

39. Measuring Trade Facilitation: Evidence from India

Author:
Vijay Singh Chauhan and Sruti Vijayakumar
Publication Date:
05-2021
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Abstract:
The World Trade Organization’s Trade Facilitation Agreement has placed trade facilitation initiatives high on the agenda of international governments. This case study of India studies what trade facilitation may mean for a fast-paced economy. In this paper the authors use the trigger presented by the World Trade Organization’s (WTO’s) Trade Facilitation Agreement (TFA) to undertake a comprehensive review of various publicly available studies for India relating to performance measurement of the ecosystem that handles the cross-border movement of goods, focusing on the period since 2015. The paper summarizes the results of six key composite performance indicators—namely, (1) the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development’s (OECD’s) trade facilitation indicators (TFIs); (2) the World Bank’s Ease of Doing Business (EODB) Index; (3) the World Bank’s Logistics Performance Index (LPI); (4) the World Economic Forum’s (WEF’s) Global Competitiveness Index (GCI); (5) the World Bank’s World Governance Indicators (WGIs); and (6) the United Nations’ Global Survey on Trade Facilitation and Paperless Trade Implementation (GSTF-PTI). This paper, by examining these composite survey-based indicators and the intertemporal trends they exhibit for India, reveals that they have not been moving in agreement with each other and that some of the trends are evidently counterintuitive. A comparison between delineated subindicators of select composite indicators sometimes indicates surprising trends. Import cargo release times (a performance measurement prescribed by the TFA) for the largest containerized port in the country, the Jawaharlal Nehru Port Trust (JNPT), have been extracted from various studies that have relied on the data from the customs automation system; the container tracking system, which employs radio-frequency identification (RFID); and survey-based studies, including the Trading Across Borders (TAB) component of the World Bank’s EODB Index. These import cargo release time studies present a consistent trend of improvement since 2017. The paper, therefore, highlights the greater robustness of cargo release time trends, based particularly on technology-enabled data-driven studies as a more meaningful metric for measurement of performance of border management agencies and practices vis-à-vis survey or perception-based indicators representing “enablers” of trade facilitation.
Topic:
Economics, Trade, and WTO
Political Geography:
South Asia and India

40. Revisited: What would ‘trading on WTO terms’ mean?

Author:
Catherine Barnard and Anand Menon
Publication Date:
05-2020
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
UK in a Changing Europe, King's College London
Abstract:
Whether it is because of fishing rights, financial services, the EU’s insistence that the UK adhere to its level playing field, governance demands, or simply running out of time, it is far from clear that a trade deal will be successfully negotiated and approved by the end of 2020. As a consequence, the notion of the UK trading with the EU ‘on WTO terms’ has resurfaced. We have produced this report to explain what the WTO is and what trading on WTO terms actually means legally and practically. It updates an earlier version published in 2018.
Topic:
European Union, Constitution, Economy, Brexit, Trade, and WTO
Political Geography:
United Kingdom and Europe