Search

Begin New Search Topic Institutions Publication Year within 5 Years

181. Institutional Change through Development Assistance The Comparative Advantages of Political and Adaptive Approaches

Author:
Michael Roll
Publication Date:
01-2021
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
German Institute of Development and Sustainability (IDOS)
Abstract:
Development assistance often fails to achieve institutional change because of a limited consideration of the political nature of these reforms and the local context. In response, political and adaptive development assistance (PADA) approaches, such as “Thinking and Working Politically” (TWP) and “Problem-Driven Iterative Adaptation” (PDIA), have been developed in recent years. Politicians, practitioners and researchers increasingly want to know if these approaches are more effective than mainstream approaches to development assistance. To answer this question, this paper develops a framework by asking three more specific questions about the “which”, the “where” and the “what”. First, for which types of development problems is political and adaptive development assistance likely to work better than mainstream approaches? Second, where or in which contexts might this be the case? And third, what contributions can be expected from these approaches including, but going beyond, effectiveness? Available evidence is used to answer these questions. This paper finds that political and adaptive approaches have comparative advantages over mainstream approaches when either the problem is complex, the context is hard to predict, or the solution is contentious. The overall conclusion is that development policy needs a broader variety of approaches from which to choose based on which fits the problem and the context best.
Topic:
Development, Politics, Institutions, and Development Assistance
Political Geography:
Global Focus

182. The rule of law in Poland or the false argument about the primacy of European law

Author:
Eric Maurice, Emilie Malivert, and Ana Pasturel
Publication Date:
11-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Robert Schuman Foundation (RSF)
Abstract:
On 24 November, the Polish Constitutional Tribunal ruled that the European Convention on Human Rights was partially incompatible with the country's constitution. In July and October, it had issued similar rulings on the Treaty on European Union (TEU). This double decision comes as the European Commission suspended the approval of Poland's €36 billion recovery plan, including €23.9 billion in EU grants, due to concerns about the rule of law. On 19 November, the Commission also sent a letter to the Polish government as a prelude to the launch of a procedure that could lead to the suspension of EU funds under the budgetary conditionality regulation. The confrontation between the Polish government and the European institutions, primarily the Commission and the European Court of Justice, has been presented by the Polish government as a struggle of principle between the primacy of European law, which was allegedly being imposed excessively on Member States, with "the national legal order and the supreme force of the Constitution” being under threat. The Polish Prime Minister, Mateusz Morawiecki, explained that the implementation of EU law, as requested by the CJEU, would lead to "a fundamental lowering of the constitutional standards of judicial protection of Polish citizens, and unimaginable legal chaos". Beyond the grandstanding and responses in support of an effort to defend the sovereignty of peoples, it appears that the weakening of these constitutional norms in recent years in Poland is precisely what has led the Constitutional Tribunal to partly denounce the TEU (European Union) and the European Convention on Human Rights (Council of Europe), and that the quarrel over the primacy of European law is essentially a smokescreen to hide this situation.
Topic:
Human Rights, Sovereignty, Constitution, Rule of Law, Institutions, and Norms
Political Geography:
Europe and Poland

183. EU Space policy: an underestimated success

Author:
Massimiliano Salini
Publication Date:
10-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Robert Schuman Foundation (RSF)
Abstract:
When we talk about EU integration and successful EU policies, we are usually referring to Erasmus, the CAP, and the Single Market. Indeed, we refer too little to the EU Space policy, which is the only one that enjoys a truly European infrastructure[1]. It was in 2009, with the Treaty of Lisbon, that the space policy became one that is European since it is shared between Member States. Article 189 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU) states: "To promote scientific and technical progress, industrial competitiveness and the implementation of its policies, the Union shall draw up a European space policy.” Since then, the EU flagship programmes, Galileo and Copernicus, have been launched, representing a true European success. 2021 will mark the anniversary of the adoption of the first comprehensive European Space Programme, a regulation to which I have dedicated the last three and a half years as Rapporteur for the European Parliament. However, despite the success of the European space policy, this sector, which counts for almost 10% of the EU’s GDP, is still unknown to many European citizens. An example that effectively explains this lack of knowledge is represented by the satellite navigation system, Galileo. Despite it being the most accurate navigation system in the world, used today by one billion devices at global level, most European citizens do not even know of its existence, using the name of its American competitor when they refer to it. This lack of knowledge is clearly to blame on a lack of communication on the part of the EU’s institutions, as is the case for many other European success stories, but this is not the only explanation. In the following text, I will try to explain the complexity of the space policy, but also the potential behind this underestimated success.
Topic:
Governance, European Union, Regional Integration, and Institutions
Political Geography:
Europe

184. Women’s Europe

Author:
Ramona Bloj
Publication Date:
03-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Robert Schuman Foundation (RSF)
Abstract:
Equality between men and women in the European Union is provided for in Article 119 of the Treaty of Rome. While substantial progress has been made since 1957, making Europe the continent where women live best and where their numbers in the institutions are among the highest in the world, significant disparities persist between Member States. Further steps still need to be taken, especially as the pandemic has accentuated inequalities and differences, illustrating the efforts that still need to be made to achieve true equality between men and women.
Topic:
Gender Issues, European Union, Women, Institutions, COVID-19, and Equality
Political Geography:
Europe

185. South Africa: When Strong Institutions and Massive Inequalities Collide

Author:
Brian Levy, Alan Hirsch, Vinothan Naidoo, and Musa Nxele
Publication Date:
03-2021
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Abstract:
South Africa's economic and social imbalances can no longer be swept under the rug. The country has three choices: muddle through, endure another surge of ethnopopulism, or pursue inclusive development. South Africa was one of the 1990s iconic cases of democratization. Yet starting in the mid-2000s, the country began to experience a disruptive collision between its strong political institutions and massive economic inequality. The collision intensified across the 2010s, resulting in economic stagnation and increasing threats to institutional integrity. Understanding why this collision occurred and worsened over time is relevant not just for other middle-income countries but also many higher-income democracies wrestling with similar tensions between a declining tolerance for high or rising inequality and institutions that seemed strong in the past but find their legitimacy increasingly being questioned. Ideally, ideas, institutions, and growth all reinforce one another in a virtuous developmental spiral. Ideas offer hope by encouraging cooperation and the pursuit of opportunities for win-win gains. Institutions assure that the bargains underpinning cooperation will be monitored and enforced. Together, ideas and institutions provide credible commitment, which fuels economic growth. However, such a benign scenario does not reckon with the ways in which persistent high inequality, accompanied by unresolved tensions between the distribution of economic and political power, can both put pressure on institutions and quickly change hope into anger. The result can be a cascading set of pressures and an accelerating downward spiral. For the first fifteen years of democracy, South Africa enjoyed the advantages of both effective institutions and a shared willingness of stakeholders believed in the power of cooperation. This enabled the country to move beyond counterproductive conflict and pursue win-win outcomes. Growth began to accelerate, which created new opportunities for expanding the middle class. Increased fiscal space made it possible to broaden access to public services and to social grants, which reduced absolute poverty. There were, however, some stark limitations in what was achieved. Gains for the poorest did little to alter their difficult economic and social realities. Less than a quarter of the total population, including essentially all white South Africans, enjoyed a standard of living that was middle class or better. There was ample reason for the majority of South Africans to feel that, notwithstanding the promises of mutual benefit, the deck remained stacked against them. This increased the vulnerability of South Africa’s political settlement.
Topic:
Development, Inequality, and Institutions
Political Geography:
South Africa and Africa

186. Building And Strengthening Public Trust In Government Policy Decisions And Institutions To Effectively Tackle Covid-19 In Cameroon

Author:
Dr. Asahngwa Constantine, Denis Foretia, Gobina Ronald, Wilfred Ngwa, Charlotte Bongfen, Odette Kibu, and Nkengafac Fobellah
Publication Date:
01-2021
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
The Nkafu Policy Institute
Abstract:
In Cameroon the battle against COVID-19 is far from over as the disease still continue to claim many lives and aggravates the deepening poverty situation of Cameroonians. According to reports from the Ministry of Health (as from 8th of December, 2020), Cameroon has recorded 24,752 infected cases, 23,344 recoveries and 433 deaths. [1] The economic consequences of the disease remain preoccupying as many people have experienced a decline in their businesses. The government of Cameroon through the Prime Minister published a national response plan which aimed at combating the disease, highlighting preventive measures and effective management of confirmed positive cases. Some of these measures include the prohibition of mass gatherings above 50 persons, maintaining physical distancing, wearing of face mask in public places, frequent handwashing with soap or using hand sanitizers and isolation of infected persons. [2] These measures and others are currently being implemented since March, 2020. Although the government has been doing its best to bring this pandemic to an end, this has not been without challenges. One of the challenges is the decline of public trust in government’s policy decisions and institutions, which if not given sufficient attention may compromise all the efforts and resources already galvanize for this battle against COVID-19.[3] Drawing from published literature, we discuss the factors responsible for the decline of public trust, how the lack of trust can hamper interventions and control efforts and some suggestions how this challenge can be tackled to enhance effective interventions to combat COVID-19 in Cameroon.
Topic:
Government, Health, Institutions, Public Sector, Public Health, Pandemic, COVID-19, and Global Health
Political Geography:
Africa and Cameroon

187. Impact of COVID-19 in Peru: Unpredictability, inefficiency and institutional crisis/Impacto del COVID-19 en Perú: Imprevisión, ineficiencia y crisis institucional

Author:
Paz Milet and Gabriela Bravo
Publication Date:
05-2021
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Revista UNISCI/UNISCI Journal
Institution:
Unidad de investigación sobre seguridad y cooperación (UNISCI)
Abstract:
This article addresses the degree of institutional preparedness of Peru to deal with the effects of the pandemic COVID-19. It is argued that the country was not in the best condition to face this health phenomenon, in a context of institutional weakness, economic stagnation and the inability to overcome some of its historical and permanent structural deficiencies. Despite the political efforts made and the measures adopted, all these have failed to have a positive impact on the population due to the structural fragility of the health system. In addition, Peru had to face an internal political crisis that negatively affected the strategic direction of the pandemic. The armed forces have played a limited role essentially reduced to logistical support. All in all, a dissociation between restrictive policies and the results obtained have been identified, due to structural deficiencies. of the health system to cope with the pandemic./El presente artículo aborda el grado de preparación institucional del Perú para enfrentar los efectos de la pandemia conocida como COVID-19. Se plantea que el país no estaba en la mejor condición para hacer frente a este fenómeno sanitario, en un contexto de debilidad institucional, estancamiento económico y con la incapacidad de superar algunas de sus deficiencias estructurales históricas y permanentes. Pese a los esfuerzos políticos desarrollados y las medidas adoptadas, estas no han logrado tener un impacto positivo en la población por la fragilidad estructural del sistema de salud. Adicionalmente, el Perú ha debido enfrentar una crisis política interna que ha afectado negativamente el direccionamiento estratégico de la pandemia en que las fuerzas armadas han tenido un papel limitado a capacidades logísticas. Con todo, se identifica una disociación entre las políticas restrictivas y los resultados obtenidos, producto de la incapacidad de las deficiencias estructurales.
Topic:
Fragile States, Institutions, COVID-19, and Political Crisis
Political Geography:
Latin America and Peru

188. Bolivia and COVID-19, a story of two pandemics/Bolivia y COVID-19: Una historia de dos pandemias

Author:
Joseph M. Humire
Publication Date:
05-2021
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Revista UNISCI/UNISCI Journal
Institution:
Unidad de investigación sobre seguridad y cooperación (UNISCI)
Abstract:
This article argues that Bolivia has been affected, at the same time, by two pandemics, the political and the sanitary. It also argues that institutional fragility and the weakness of health structures and organizations have been a disadvantage in the management of the pandemic, which has not been free of political influences for the benefit of one or the other side, aggravating and harming, in the end, the most disadvantaged population. This, additionally in an economic context of great informality that has been seriously damaged, affecting the weakest who earn their living in this informal sector of the economy. The internal power struggles in Bolivia have been in practice a factor that has negatively affected the management of the pandemic at the national level./Este artículo plantea que Bolivia ha sido afectada, al mismo tiempo, por dos pandemias, la política y la sanitaria. Adicionalmente plantea que la fragilidad institucional y la debilidad de las estructuras y organizaciones sanitarias han sido una desventaja en el manejo de la pandemia, la que no ha estado exenta de influencias políticas para beneficio de uno u otro bando, agravando y perjudicando al final, a la población más desfavorecida. Ello, adicionalmente en un contexto económico de gran informalidad que se ha visto seriamente dañado, afectando a los más débiles que se ganan la vida en este sector informal de la economía. Las luchas internas de poder en Bolivia han sido en la practica un factor que ha afectado negativamente el manejo de la pandemia a nivel nacional.
Topic:
Health, Institutions, Pandemic, and COVID-19
Political Geography:
Latin America and Bolivia

189. Our Epistemological Crisis: "Ilmu Budaya" and "Two Cultures" Revisited

Author:
Donald K. Emmerson
Publication Date:
11-2021
Content Type:
Commentary and Analysis
Institution:
Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center
Abstract:
This talk on the subject of scientific research was delivered virtually on 1 November 2021 to mark the anniversary of the official opening on 1 November 1958 of what is now called the Faculty of Cultural Sciences at Padjadjaran University in suburban Bandung, Indonesia. In his remarks, Donald K. Emmerson recalls his experience as a student in Indonesia, discusses the rejection and subversion of the distinction between fact and opinion in what he calls “our epistemological crisis," and ends with comments on a different but related distinction: the institutional separation of the humanities from the sciences, as if they were two different spheres of thought and specialization.
Topic:
Science and Technology, Culture, Research, and Institutions
Political Geography:
Indonesia, Asia, and Indo-Pacific

190. The Security Sector Governance - Migration Nexus

Author:
Sarah Wolff
Publication Date:
05-2021
Content Type:
Research Paper
Institution:
Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance (DCAF)
Abstract:
This paper argues that there is a need to improve linkages between security sector governance and migration. Going beyond the state-centric understanding of security sector governance and reform (SSG/R), it provides a comprehensive view of the relationship between SSG/R and migration and makes a series of practical recommendations to operationalize a better inclusion of migration issues at domestic, regional and international levels of SSG/R. It provides guidance as to how the military, police forces, intelligence services, border security services, judicial institutions, interior ministries, private actors, civil society organizations and parliaments should rethink the inclusion of migrants’ rights at the heart of their professional practice.
Topic:
Security, Migration, Governance, Leadership, and Institutions
Political Geography:
Global Focus