The United Nations has reached, in 2003/04, a level of commitment in peace operations that has not been seen since the mid-1990s with, as of June 2004, 16 operations and over 55,000 military personnel and civilian police being deployed in operations which include a wide variety of activities. In this context, the implementation of the Brahimi Report on Peace Operations is examined on four levels of analysis.
Topic:
International Relations, International Cooperation, Peace Studies, and United Nations
The EU and the UN have taken many practical steps recent years to formalize their relationship. As part this process, the EU has also achieved increasing political influence within the UN, although progress on this front has been limited in the Security Council.
Whether by accident or design, the United Nations increasingly finds itself in operations that seek to build or re-build the institutions of a state. This report discusses the challenges facing the UN in such state-building activities in the post-Iraq environment. Three sorts of challenges are reviewed: those arising from a lack of conceptual clarity on the aim of state-building, those resulting from the transformed strategic environment, and those operational and strategic challenges inherent to the complex task of state-building.
Since the end of the Cold War, it has become commonplace to assert that peace and development are intimately linked and that the United Nations (UN) and other international actors need to address the twin imperatives for security and development through integrated policies and programs. Shedding its early definition as “post-conflict reconstruction,” the term “peacebuilding” has broadened its scope in the 1990s to encompass the overlapping agendas for peace and development in support of conflict prevention, conflict management and post-conflict reconstruction.
Topic:
International Relations, Security, Peace Studies, and United Nations
Kroc Institute for International Peace Studies, University of Notre Dame
Abstract:
This report provides an independent assessment of the United Nations Counter-Terrorism Committee (CTC). It coincides with the “revitalization” process in the CTC following adoption of Security Council Resolution 1535 (2004) that led to the creation of the Counter-Terrorism Executive Directorate (CTED). The following findings and recommendations reflect the project's intended goal of ensuring that changes to the CTC support structure are undertaken in a manner that strengthens the successful elements of the committee's work to date, while effectively meeting the challenges ahead.
Topic:
Security, Foreign Policy, Terrorism, and United Nations
The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development
Abstract:
At the United Nations Millennium Summit in September 2000, world leaders adopted the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), which set clear targets for reducing poverty, hunger, disease, illiteracy, environmental degradation, and discrimination against women by 2015.The need for additional development funding, if the MDGs are to be achieved by 2015, is widely recognized. The figure of additional $50 billion per year, roughly the present total of ODA spent by DAC donors, is often quoted (e.g. Zedillo Report). This estimate is of back-of-the-envelope nature, and it seems to be the minimum estimate. If governments exclude the option to abandon the MDGs, they have either to double the existing ODA or to find alternative sources of comparable magnitude–or a balance of the two. The challenge to the international community is mounting by the day.
Topic:
Agriculture, Economics, Environment, Human Rights, International Organization, Political Economy, and United Nations
Centre for International Peace and Security Studies
Abstract:
The war in Iraq continues; its wisdom and consequences for the United States and the Middle East cannot yet be fully assessed. Still, it may be said that the lead-up to the war largely put to rest the view that an American president can readily respond to external threats with unilateral military force, and need not take into account the views of allies and the United Nations. Presidents, even those with unilateralist inclinations, such as that at present, are constrained to remain committed to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the UN Security Council because large majorities of the American public want their government to have allies and UN authorization when the United States goes to war. Americans are likely to want allies and international authorization because their possession increases the chances of pre-war coercive diplomatic success and, if war is necessary, success during and after it at lower cost. They may also want allies and international authorization for another reason, namely, to obtain a "second opinion" on the wisdom and the intentions of their leaders in taking them down a path that may end in war.
American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research
Abstract:
With the Organization of the Islamic Conference defending any act committed on behalf of "national liberation," the United Nations cannot even issue an unequivocal condemnation of terrorism, let alone join the struggle to eliminate it.
Topic:
International Relations, Foreign Policy, Democratization, Economics, and United Nations
On Jan. 30, 2003, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) adopted resolution 1460, which reaffirms the council's previous resolutions (1261, 1314, and 1379) on children and armed conflict and calls on all parties to armed conflict to stop using child soldiers. Resolution 1460 also requests that the UN secretary general list the progress made by the 23 parties to conflict on the Security Council's agenda (S/2002/1299), including governmental armed groups that continue to use or recruit child soldiers. In response to Resolution 1460, and in advance of the Security Council's fourth open debate on children in armed conflict, the Coalition to stop the Use of Child Soldiers published a report that lists 17 countries where child soldiers were being used from January 2003 through September 2003. While the report does not cover every situation where children are being deployed, it specifically includes all of the countries covered on the Security Council's agenda, as well as other situations deemed critical by the coalition.
Topic:
International Relations, Human Rights, and United Nations
Center for International Studies, University of Southern California
Abstract:
On October 29, 1997, South African President Nelson Mandela arrived in Libya to award Colonel Muammar Qaddafi the Good Hope Medal. The Medal, also referred to as the Order of Good Hope, is the highest honor that South Africa can bestow upon a citizen of another country--it would be given a year later to US President Bill Clinton. At the time, Colonel Qaddafi was a pariah in the international community. Libya had been under United Nations sanctions since 1992 for its refusal to hand over the two indicted suspects in the bombing of Pan Am Flight 103 over Lockerbie, Scotland, that killed 270 people.
Topic:
International Relations, Globalization, Government, and United Nations
Political Geography:
Africa, United States, Libya, United Nations, and Scotland