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Begin New Search Topic Genocide Publication Year within 25 Years

81. Submerged on the Surface: The Not-So-Hidden Jews of Nazi Berlin, 1941-1945

Author:
Richard N. Lutjens Jr.
Publication Date:
01-2019
Content Type:
Book
Institution:
Berghahn Books
Abstract:
Between 1941 and 1945, thousands of German Jews, in fear for their lives, made the choice to flee their impending deportations and live submerged in the shadows of the Nazi capital. Drawing on a wealth of archival evidence and interviews with survivors, this book reconstructs the daily lives of Jews who stayed in Berlin during the war years. Contrary to the received wisdom that “hidden” Jews stayed in attics and cellars and had minimal contact with the outside world, the author reveals a cohort of remarkable individuals who were constantly on the move and actively fought to ensure their own survival.
Topic:
Genocide, World War II, and Anti-Semitism
Political Geography:
Europe, Germany, Berlin, and Central Europe

82. US Government Statements on Genocide: A report exploring how, when, and why determinations of genocide are made

Author:
Todd F. Buchwald and Adam Keith
Publication Date:
04-2019
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Simon-Skjodt Center for the Prevention of Genocide, United States Holocaust Memorial Museum
Abstract:
This report reviews the experience of the US government across recent decades in making decisions to say—or not to say—that genocide has occurred in a country. It reviews the political, policy, and legal difficulties that the US government has encountered in considering whether or not to do so. The report goes on to describe the circumstances in which the US government has considered and made such statements, the objectives to which supporters of such statements have pointed as reasons for making such statements, including to show solidarity with victims and to help mobilize a response to prevent further atrocities, and concerns and criticisms that have been offered of pursuing such statements. It then offers a series of recommendations aimed at helping US officials and congressional, civil society, and other advocates address future atrocity situations. To address these issues, the authors reviewed the public record concerning US policy regarding large-scale mass atrocities in recent decades, focusing on situations where available documents (including public remarks, internal US government documents that have been publicly released, and other studies) provided insight into whether and how the US government considered the applicability of the term “genocide.” The authors also reviewed a handful of recent situations where statements about genocide appear not to have been considered but arguably could have been. This research was supplemented by consultations with more than 60 individuals who were personally involved in the relevant situations, focusing primarily, but not exclusively, on former and current US government officials, as well as by reflections upon the authors’ experiences while working in the government on efforts to prevent and respond to genocide and other mass atrocity crimes.
Topic:
Genocide, International Law, and Atrocities
Political Geography:
North America and United States of America

83. The Role of Justice in Preventing Mass Atrocities: Evolving Debates and New Directions

Author:
Kyra Fox
Publication Date:
06-2019
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Simon-Skjodt Center for the Prevention of Genocide, United States Holocaust Memorial Museum
Abstract:
Scholars and practitioners agree past atrocities are a strong predictor of future atrocities within a country. 1 Given this, many argue that transitional justice--which aims to help societies deal effectively with past abuses--has an important role to play in atrocity prevention, especially in preventing the recurrence of mass atrocities. Practitioners and international justice lawyers often assume that effective transitional justice should facilitate atrocity prevention. The Preamble to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC) articulates the Court’s determination to “put an end to impunity for the perpetrators of these crimes and thus to contribute to the prevention of such crimes.” A 2018 study by the UN Special Rapporteur on the 2 promotion of truth, justice, reparation and guarantees of non-recurrence and the Special Adviser to the Secretary-General on the Prevention of Genocide discusses the “contribution of transitional justice to the prevention of gross violations and abuses of human rights and serious violations of international humanitarian law, particularly to the prevention of genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity, and their recurrence.” 3 Among scholars, the preventive capacity of transitional justice is more contentious. Debates have largely centered on the ability of prosecutions to deter potential perpetrators, and a sharp cleavage has emerged between scholars who believe in the deterrent capacity of international criminal justice and those who doubt it. Meanwhile, there has been a relative neglect of (1) transitional justice tools other than 4 prosecutions, and (2) the ways in which transitional justice tools, including prosecutions, might contribute to prevention outside their (potential) deterrent effect. As a result, policymakers and practitioners have little clear guidance about how to maximize the preventive effects of transitional justice efforts. The 2019 Sudikoff Interdisciplinary Seminar on Genocide Prevention will bring together a diverse group of practitioners and scholars to discuss how transitional justice tools (broadly defined) can potentially help prevent mass atrocities. Through the framework of systemic, structural, and operational prevention, scholars and practitioners will examine the ability of transitional justice tools to address the root causes of conflict (structural prevention), influence the calculus of potential perpetrators (operational prevention), and influence global norms (systemic prevention). Ultimately, the seminar will aim to (1) identify directions for fruitful research on the topic of transitional justice tools and atrocity prevention, and (2) generate ideas for new resources to help practitioners maximize the preventive impact of transitional justice tools.
Topic:
Genocide, Transitional Justice, Justice, and Atrocity Prevention
Political Geography:
Global Focus

84. Legal Frameworks for Specialized Chambers: Comparative Studies for the Tunisian Specialized Criminal Chambers

Author:
Howard Varney and Katarzyna Zdunczky
Publication Date:
05-2018
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
The International Center for Transitional Justice (ICTJ)
Abstract:
In some contexts, the global community has resorted to international tribunals to prosecute the most serious past crimes, such as war crimes, crimes against of humanity, and genocide. While these international efforts contributed significantly to international justice, they were resource draining and located outside the countries in which the crimes took place. To overcome these issues, the so-called hybrid court was developed that combines domestic and international law and personnel. Tunisia has adopted a purely domestic hybrid court.
Topic:
Genocide, Transitional Justice, International Crime, and Humanitarian Crisis
Political Geography:
Africa and Tunisia

85. The Long Road: Historical Context and Ongoing Challenges of the Rohingya Crisis

Author:
Sarah Goldfeder
Publication Date:
10-2018
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Canadian Global Affairs Institute (CGAI)
Abstract:
On September 20, 2018, the Canadian parliament showed unanimous support for the Rohingya, declaring the actions of the Burmese government a genocide and calling on the UN Security Council to refer the matter to the International Criminal Court. Later that month, the same body unanimously voted to strip Aung San Suu Kyi of her honorary Canadian citizenship for her role in presiding over the genocide and the imprisonment of two Reuters journalists who reported on it. There is no doubt that most of the world now sees what has happened to the Rohingya as something that is both deplorable and criminal. The desire for immediate, decisive action minimizes the complexity of the issues that have created conflict for the people who call the sliver of land on the west coast of Myanmar, home. Their story is deeply rooted in history and sociology. Holding a few leaders to account may assuage some need to be responsive, but it will not solve the underlying issues that have created this toxic division. Perhaps we have failed the Rohingya, but that is only part of the story of the rocky relationship between Myanmar and the rest of the world. We have failed the people of Myanmar not just in our slow action on this crisis, but going back at least as far as the end of the Second World War. As the post-war liberal world order took hold and began to stabilize Europe, our Asian allies were left to forge their own path forward. The end result, at least in Myanmar, has been an isolationism that encouraged the disparagement of groups seen to be a drain on the prosperity of those affiliated with the ruling party. Efforts to establish international oversight on what the Burmese see as an internal issue – or at most, a bilateral issue with Bangladesh, may only serve to exacerbate the problem. The International Criminal Court has yet to demonstrate its ability to compel changes in governmental behavior. The threat of increased obstacles to oversight and support of the process to resettle or reintegrate the Rohingya grows with the use of multilateral sticks via bodies such as the UN and the ICC. Much of the reporting and investigative efforts by international bodies indicates a closing of ranks between the democratically elected government and the military in Myanmar. The future of the Rohingya and indeed, of their Buddhist neighbours, the Rakhine, is far from clear. Obstacles continue to multiply, with every report outlining a new challenge to be considered as the world looks to build the region a happy ending. The history of Myanmar tells a complex story which only hints at the future. Any hope for the Rohingya relies on countries like Canada not just watching the repatriation and reintegration efforts, but closely mentoring the government of Myanmar as it establishes policies that can establish the protection of human rights in the future.
Topic:
Genocide, History, Ethnic Cleansing, Rohingya, and Aung San Suu Kyi
Political Geography:
Southeast Asia and Myanmar

86. Youth Perspectives on Reconciliation: Challenges and opportunities in post-genocide Rwanda

Author:
Chantal Ingabire
Publication Date:
04-2018
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Social Science Research Council
Abstract:
This policy briefing note addresses the challenges and opportunities for engag- ing youth in post-conflict reconciliation in Rwanda, and makes specific recom- mendations based on the findings of a research project. Coming to terms with the past after a period of extreme violence during which hundreds of thousands of people lost their lives is a major challenge for any society. One of the mecha- nisms deployed by the government of Rwanda following the 1994 Genocide was the establishment of the National Unity and Reconciliation Commission (NURC) in 1999 (NURC, 2016). To achieve its objectives, the NURC organized a number of platforms, namely Ingando,1 Itorero,2 seminars,3 and national sum- mits4 in which various categories of Rwandans discussed the above-mentioned issues (NURC, 2016). This policy brief draws upon the results of a 2017 qualita- tive study investigating the extent to which Rwandan youth in the western part of the country between the ages of eighteen and twenty-two years participate in reconciliation processes and what, according to them, are the factors enabling or hindering reconciliation policies and practices. Respondents of the study included youth identified through their membership of a number of civil society organizations (CSOs) and participation in government initiatives in the field of peacebuilding (mainly at the secondary school level), and those that do not take part in any club or association focusing on peacebuilding. Most of these clubs work towards fighting against genocide ideology and promoting unity and reconciliation through debates, dialogues, peer education on reconciliation as well as organization and participation in outreach activities. Respondents in this study were not yet enrolled in the national Itorero program as this program targets pre-university students, among others. The study was implemented in collaboration with Community Based Sociotherapy (CBS), a Rwandan non-governmental organization (NGO) that promotes interpersonal healing and grassroots reconciliation processes.
Topic:
Genocide, Youth, and Reconciliation
Political Geography:
Africa and Rwanda

87. Russian Forces in Syria and the Building of a Sustainable Military Presence: Towards a Restructuring of the Syrian Army?

Author:
Alimar Lazkani
Publication Date:
06-2018
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Arab Reform Initiative (ARI)
Abstract:
The Syrian Army has inherited a few of the norms and customs the French used for running army affairs following the French occupation. These did not include any provisions on regulating the army. After the Baa’th Party came to power, particularly after Hafez Assad had assumed office, the norms and customs guaranteeing minimum rights for army soldiers, non-commissioned officers, and officers faded gradually, leaving room for cronyism and allegiance to individuals and to the regime as the sole guarantor for the military to gain their rights. Leaders of military units became almost governors of their own units where nothing could take place without their blessings The Russians became fully in charge of the Syrian Army and started to instil rules and regulations that would ensure discipline and transform the army to a professional force capable of actual missions on the ground. Such rules included entrenching among Syrian soldiers, non-commissioned officers, and officers’ allegiance to Russian military officers and meant to subdue and prevent them from exercising their authority. This has established the Russians as the de facto leaders in the minds of members of the Syrian army. This has mainly shifted the responsibility for all the atrocities committed by the Assad forces under the Russian leadership to the Russians together with the regime’s officers and leaders. Despite their inability to make decisions, they are responsible, in terms of political structure and posturing, for all cases of genocide, chemical attacks, displacement, starvation and other violations. It has therefore become difficult in the Syrian context to separate between the Russian leadership and the Syrian Army, except in terms of differentiating between the leader and the follower, a divide that Russia has been working on consolidating in the media and in its diplomacy as an entity “assisting to achieve peace and combat terrorism”, while it undoubtedly deserves the description of “occupier” with its ability to run a lot of important issues on Syrian soil.
Topic:
Diplomacy, Genocide, Political structure, and Military Intervention
Political Geography:
Russia, Europe, Middle East, and Syria

88. Armenians Abroad: Between Diaspora and the State

Author:
Antranik Dakessian
Publication Date:
12-2018
Content Type:
Research Paper
Institution:
Arab Reform Initiative (ARI)
Abstract:
The Armenian diaspora is considered typical in that it has both the characteristics of a classical dispersion and a modern diaspora; however, due to current economic hardships in the Republic of Armenia (RA), it is facing a new set of complications and is reshaping itself into a post-modern plural unit. Using a historical overview, this paper offers an empirical analysis of the diverse Armenian diaspora and investigates its post-genocide transformation. The paper explores the formal and informal institutions in host countries intended to preserve the Armenian identity and the networks used to maintain links with Soviet Armenia. In addition, the paper assesses the shift in the very nature of the diaspora resulting from the post-Soviet independence of Armenia. Focusing on the question of identity and integration, the paper explores various factors, such as language, intermarriage, political participation, the ambivalence between the adopted country and the ancestral fatherland, as well as the conflict between an unattractive weak state and a challenging everyday life. The paper demonstrates how this duality is manifested, and the various responses of Armenians when confronted with civil war in host communities or when the host country is at war with a neighbouring country, looking in particular at the role of elites in both host countries and the homeland. The paper will concentrate on two distinct time periods: the Soviet era (1920 to 199) and globalization era (1991 to 2015).
Topic:
Genocide, Diaspora, Immigration, and Assimilation
Political Geography:
Asia and Armenia

89. The UN Security Council’s Implementation of the Responsibility to Protect: A Review of Past Interventions and Recommendations for Improvement

Author:
Jared Genser
Publication Date:
09-2018
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
The Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Abstract:
When it was adopted by the United Nations (UN) system in 2005, the doctrine of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) was meant to provide an implementation mechanism for the international community to respond to governments that were perpetrating the mass atrocity crimes of genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity. As R2P is now in its second decade of existence, it is important to evaluate past implementation of R2P by the UN Security Council — the UN body charged with taking collective action when all other preventive efforts have failed and atrocity crimes are being committed or are imminent. This briefing paper is a summary of a more detailed law review article recently published in the University of Chicago Journal of International Law.
Topic:
Genocide, War Crimes, Ethnic Cleansing, International Community, Responsibility to Protect (R2P), UN Security Council, and Crimes Against Humanity
Political Geography:
United Nations and Global Focus

90. Defining the Four Mass Atrocity Crimes

Author:
Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Publication Date:
08-2018
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
The Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Abstract:
During the 2005 United Nations World Summit, heads of state and government accepted the responsibility of every state to protect its population from four crimes: genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and ethnic cleansing. The first three crimes are legally defined in various international legal documents, such as the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, the 1949 Geneva Conventions and their 1977 Additional Protocols, and the 1998 Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. Their status as international crimes is based on the belief that the acts associated with them affect the core dignity of human beings, both in times of peace and in times of war.
Topic:
Genocide, War Crimes, Ethnic Cleansing, and Crimes Against Humanity
Political Geography:
United Nations and Global Focus