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342. The People-to-People Exchange Between China and Georgia in the Frames of the Belt and Road Initiative
- Author:
- Jing Shi
- Publication Date:
- 12-2023
- Content Type:
- Commentary and Analysis
- Institution:
- Georgian Foundation for Strategic International Studies -GFSIS
- Abstract:
- Since the launch of the Silk Road Economic Belt (SREB) in September 2013, the interaction between China and the post-Soviet Eurasian countries has become more dynamic than ever before. Considering the individuality among and differences between these countries (Sun, 2023), and the specific forms of cooperation, China has adopted unified but differentiated objectives and plans for collaboration with them. A key feature is that countries participating in the Belt and Road Initiative receive preferential policies and conveniences within the cooperation framework. Meanwhile, bilateral cooperation is also being actively seen. The primary case study chosen to illustrate the progress and current status of people-to-people exchange in this paper is the relationship between China and Georgia. Georgia’s case serves as a representative example when examining cooperation and interaction within the BRI. The exploration of China’s BRI lays the groundwork for understanding the broader context of international collaboration. Within this expansive framework, the specific case study of China-Georgia relations provides a nuanced lens through which to examine the intricacies of people-to-people exchange and cooperation. Evaluating China-Georgia relations through traditional perspectives may risk overlooking the full reality. Firstly, Georgia actively participates in the BRI, demonstrating significant interest in collaboration with China for mutual benefits and profits (Gürcan, 2020). Secondly, due to its geographical distance from China compared to Central Asian states, the forms of interaction and connectivity between Georgia and China require efforts from both sides. This dynamic not only presents specific challenges for various forms of cooperation within the BRI framework, but also underscores the significance and value of this research. Thirdly, analyzing the China-Georgia interaction uniquely from the perspective of the BRI is necessary. When discussing China-Georgia relations, people-to-people exchange and cooperation in science, education, culture, and health represent the realization of mutual interests and understanding between the two countries (Shi, 2018).
- Topic:
- Development, Education, Bilateral Relations, Infrastructure, and Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)
- Political Geography:
- China, Caucasus, Asia, and Georgia
343. China’s strategic relevance to the port of Rotterdam
- Author:
- Xiaoxue Martin and Frans-Paul van der Putten
- Publication Date:
- 12-2023
- Content Type:
- Special Report
- Institution:
- Clingendael Netherlands Institute of International Relations
- Abstract:
- This report analyses whether recent, current and expected China-related developments may threaten the strategic position of the port of Rotterdam in terms of freight flows and how this might play out. This report is based on research conducted on behalf of the Port of Rotterdam Authority. The report comprises four sections covering the following topics, respectively: Changes in Chinese government policy and Chinese corporate strategies towards European seaports, and specifically the Rotterdam port area. Changing attitudes of the EU and the Netherlands towards Chinese influence in European seaports due to geopolitical factors. Chinese interests and ownership in the port of Rotterdam, including the (future) development of Chinese FDI and freight flow. Sanction scenarios and changing freight flows.
- Topic:
- Development, Geopolitics, Logistics, and Ports
- Political Geography:
- China, Europe, Netherlands, and Rotterdam
344. The European Union in a crowded Horn of Africa
- Author:
- Guido Lanfranchi
- Publication Date:
- 12-2023
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- Clingendael Netherlands Institute of International Relations
- Abstract:
- This policy brief explores the engagement of the European Union (EU) in the Horn of Africa, in light of the growing regional presence of other foreign actors, namely the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Turkey, China, and Russia. Although the EU has defined the Horn as a “geo-strategic priority”, the bloc’s approach to the region is not yet well defined. The EU’s engagement would benefit from a clearer definition of the EU’s interests and objectives in the region in a clear order of priority. This could then inform a reflection on which tools can be best mobilized to achieve such interests. In this regard, the EU’s development cooperation efforts are an important added value that the bloc brings to the region, which may be leveraged more strategically to achieve the EU’s objectives.The growing presence of other foreign actors in the Horn has important implications not only for the Horn itself, but also for the EU’s regional engagement. When the interests of some of these actors overlap with those of the EU, a degree of cooperation would be beneficial for all sides. The domains of infrastructure development and humanitarian aid offer a meaningful entry point to explore such cooperation. In other instances, on the other hand, the EU may need to push back on the activities of other foreign actors when they directly run against the bloc’s interests. Overall, however, the EU should be careful not to allow geopolitical considerations to guide its approach towards the region. Rather than being preoccupied with keeping the Horn’s stakeholders outside of the orbit of its geopolitical rivals, the EU should focus on deepening ties with (state or non-state) actors that share its own interests and values – an approach that can lead to more reliable partnerships that deliver on the EU’s interests in the longer term.
- Topic:
- Development, European Union, Geopolitics, and Strategic Engagement
- Political Geography:
- Europe and Horn of Africa
345. Rural Vulnerability, Employment and Social Safety Programmes in Egypt: How Far Could State Initiatives Go?
- Author:
- Hussein Suleiman
- Publication Date:
- 04-2023
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- IEMed/EuroMeSCo
- Abstract:
- This paper aims to assess the Haya Karima initiative, launched by the Egyptian government in 2019, which targets rural communities to achieve inclusive development and eliminate poverty. The paper examines the goals, interventions, and scale of the initiative and uses official data to provide indicators of its operations. Additionally, the paper analyzes rural vulnerability and poverty in Egypt, with a focus on employment opportunities and quality. Hussein Suleiman argues that while the initiative has been scaled up significantly, it has been inadequately planned and disproportionately focuses on infrastructure interventions that are unlikely to eliminate poverty. The paper proposes institutional reform as a necessary route to inclusive development and job creation in rural and urban Egypt, and recommends policy changes to address vulnerability and poverty in the country.
- Topic:
- Development, Poverty, Reform, Job Creation, and Economic Inclusion
- Political Geography:
- Middle East, North Africa, and Egypt
346. Green Recovery and Balancing Between Paradoxes: The Egyptian Holistic Approach to Promote Food Security and Tackle Related Challenges
- Author:
- Aya Badr
- Publication Date:
- 04-2023
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- IEMed/EuroMeSCo
- Abstract:
- This policy paper discusses the challenges to food security in Egypt, including climate change, water scarcity, global instability, and disruptions to supply chains. The paper argues that a holistic developmental approach is needed to promote food security as part of human development and social justice. The green recovery approach is suggested as a way to achieve inclusive and sustainable development, protect the environment, and tackle climate change. The paper also examines the gap between strategic objectives and the situation on the ground, and proposes alternative solutions such as promoting self-sufficiency, food sovereignty, rural development, and sustainable agricultural policies under the umbrella of green recovery policies, funds, and investments. The paper highlights the importance of addressing food insecurity in Egypt, as the country heavily relies on food imports, a situation that has worsened since the Russian-Ukrainian war.
- Topic:
- Climate Change, Development, Water, Food Security, Imports, and Supply Chains
- Political Geography:
- Middle East, North Africa, and Egypt
347. Resolver dos problemas de salud rural a la vez: Aportes al abordaje sindémico de la malaria y la leishmanaisis cutánea en el posconflicto colombiano
- Author:
- Lina Pinto-García
- Publication Date:
- 03-2023
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- Centro Interdisciplinario de Estudios sobre Desarrollo (CIDER), Universidad de los Andes
- Abstract:
- La malaria y la leishmaniasis cutánea son enfermedades transmitidas por insectos que se presentan año tras año en la ruralidad colombiana. Suelen afectar a poblaciones que habitan, laboran o transitan a través de zonas remotas y disperas del territorio nacional. Las estrategias de salud pública a través de las cuales el estado aborda estas dos enfermedades responden a un paradigma biomédico de la salud, en el cual priman los programas llamados “verticales” por enfocarse en una sola enfermedad a la vez. Este policy paper presenta argumentos de tipo epidemiológico, político e histórico para abogar por un abordaje integrado —sindémico— de la malaria y la leishmaniasis, en medio de un escenario de (pos)conflicto. Se basa en datos cualitativos recolectados en dos proyectos de investigación relacionados, así como en literatura académica y gris relevante. No sugerimos la fusión de dos programas verticales, sino una integración que resulte en un mejor manejo estatal de la leishmaniasis, jalonado por el de la malaria, desde un entendimiento estructural, territorial y socialmente arraigado de la salud.
- Topic:
- Development, Malaria, Post-Conflict, Disease, and Leishmaniasis
- Political Geography:
- Colombia and South America
348. Multilateral development in flux: Strengthening European cooperation with the global south
- Author:
- Anthony Dworkin
- Publication Date:
- 11-2023
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR)
- Abstract:
- European countries are rethinking their policies on multilateral development in the face of intersecting crises, geopolitical competition, and a loss of trust from the global south. Some leaders have turned away from multilateralism, but a larger number are looking to reform and renew their approach to cooperation. The search for improved responses to global challenges such as climate change and pandemic disease has given new impetus to multilateral efforts. European policymakers want to connect development with broader strategic goals, including improving relations with the global south. This could offer a new rationale for multilateralism. Europeans should embrace a far-sighted vision of development cooperation, based around the idea of solidarity in pursuing a broad range of shared interests with as wide a circle of partners as possible.
- Topic:
- Development, International Cooperation, Global South, and Multilateralism
- Political Geography:
- Europe
349. National PAR Monitor Albania 2021/2022
- Author:
- Institute for Democracy and Mediation (IDM)
- Publication Date:
- 07-2023
- Content Type:
- Special Report
- Institution:
- Institute for Democracy and Mediation (IDM)
- Abstract:
- In its third monitoring cycle in a row, National PAR Monitor Albania 2021/2022 presents the results of the monitoring of the Public Administration Reform (PAR). Monitoring work was performed during 2021 – 2022 by IDM Albania. The methodological framework designed by the WeBER research team during the previous monitoring cycles (2017/2018-2019/2020) combines quantitative and qualitative sources of evidence. With the SIGMA principles as the building blocks of our monitoring, this report seeks to highlight the civil society perspective and that of the general public on PAR implementation, by focussing in particular at transparency, accountability, and inclusiveness in policymaking. A total of 23 indicators are used to measure PAR developments in six areas: (1) strategic framework for PAR, (2) policy development and coordination, (3) public service and human resource management, (4) accountability, (5) service delivery, and (6) public finance management. For each of the areas, the report provides an assessment for each indicator, a summary of the findings, and recommendations for future action.
- Topic:
- Development, Services, Monitoring, and Public Administration
- Political Geography:
- Europe, Balkans, Albania, and Southeast Europe
350. The Leadership Conundrum in Nigeria and Implications for the Development and Peace of the Niger Delta Region
- Author:
- Tapuka Gerald and William H. Arrey
- Publication Date:
- 12-2023
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- The Nkafu Policy Institute
- Abstract:
- In 1999, a new political era opened in Nigeria with the inauguration of the Presidency of Olusegun Obasanjo. This marked the beginning of the Fourth Republic. Though a retired military General, Obasanjo’s Presidency was rooted in a civilian platform following Presidential elections organised by the military leader, General Abdulsalami Abubakar. Prior to this, Nigerians had witnessed only one political transition through the ballot box. This occurred in 1979, when General Olusegun Obasanjo relinquished power to a civilian President, Shehu Shagari. Since 1999, Nigerians have unabatedly enjoyed the luxury of political transitions without military intervention or the barrel of the gun. In the past two decades, political transitions in Africa have been a rare phenomenon given the multiplicity of protracted presidencies and constitutional changes to foster the reign of long serving political leaders. For example, in Cameroon, President Paul Biya has ruled unabatedly for forty one (41) years. The multiplicity of elections has rather certified Biya’s protracted presidency. Likewise, though the country has been independent for more than six decades, there has not been a single ballot-based political transition. As such, incumbents have always won every election with a crushing majority. Moreover, within the six countries (Cameroon, Central African Republic, Chad, Congo, Equatorial Guinea and Gabon) of the Central African Monetary Community (CEMAC), political transitions have been inevitably limited to the dead syndrome and not ballot box. It has paved the way for family succession as in Chad and Gabon and the subsequent unconstitutional change of governments and military coup , respectively in these countries. While ballot box transitions are still a challenge in most African countries, Nigeria’s transition have morphed to the level where an incumbent is defeated in an election by an opposition candidate. Going by this, in 2015 incumbent Goodluck Jonathan was defeated by opposition candidate, Muhammadu Buhari. Since the advent of multiparty elections in most African countries in the early 1990s, such political transitions have been sustainable in few African countries including Zambia, Senegal, Ghana, Malawi, Tanzania and The Gambia. This puts Nigeria in a more comfortable political situation than most African countries. Coupled with its estimated population of 213.4 million persons in 2021 (World Bank, 2023), Nigeria has the second largest crude oil reserves (37 billion barrels) in Africa, after Libya (US Energy Information Administration, 2020). Nigeria ultimately projects itself as a pinnacle of success and an African political giant which should evidently be translated into an Eldorado of peace and development especially in the Niger Delta area. Notwithstanding, the record breaking political successes on paper has not been translated into meaningful stability on the ground. In the last two decades, Nigeria has become one of the most unsafe countries in Africa and Niger Delta in particular even though not officially engaged in any civil war or military takeover as in precedent decades. Daily happenings reveal that the situation is becoming dire and civilians are caught in the web of violence and kidnappings. In 2018 alone, there were 416 violent incidents resulting in over one thousand deaths. In 2018, 351 of such incidences were recorded resulting in 546 deaths (Campbell, 2019). This shows a steady increase in violence in the Niger Delta. Within this period, there was also a significant rise in militant activities mainly against oil companies and Nigeria’s capacity to produced crude oil. Less than a decade after the Federal Amnesty in 2009 which saw a lull in militant activities including the main militant group MEND, another militant group, the Niger Delta Avengers (NDA) emerged in 2016. Equipped as MEND with similar tactics and motives, the group succeeded in reducing Nigeria’s oil producing capacity from 2.2 million barrels of oil per day to 1.4 million. The militarisation of the area by Presidents especially Muhammadu Buhari who promised to use his military strategy to put out any uprising in Nigeria instead amplified the violence. Between 1999 and 2022, four Presidents have ruled Nigeria. However, none of these leaders have succeeded in alienating the Niger Delta from a past, rooted in insecurity and acute development challenges. Despite promises of alleviating poverty and curbing the rise of insecurity by successive Presidents, the area has still maintained a negative blueprint. Ethnicity is still rife and politics is decided on ethnic lines and the wealth produced by the area is unable to raise the standard of living of the people. Bamidele and Erameh (2023) argue that despite a flurry of measures, the Niger Delta remains stuck in environmental degradation because the policies of the government and companies is focused on gains at the expense of resource-related environmental utility. A better understanding of the Nigerian situation is sourced from the leadership and culture of violence (I), Nigeria’s leadership and violent resolution of conflicts (II), and the failure to convert Niger Delta’s wealth to national blessings (III).
- Topic:
- Security, Development, and Leadership
- Political Geography:
- Africa and Niger Delta