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741. Children and Small Arms Resource Guide - Public Health Approaches

Publication Date:
11-2006
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
South Eastern Europe Clearinghouse for the Control of Small Arms and Light Weapons
Abstract:
In March 2006 SEESAC commissioned an Education Consultant to determine the need for a school curriculum on small arms throughout the Western Balkan countries through consultation with relevant stakeholders, a review of available literature on the subject of small arms, children and youth, and examination of evaluation reports from previous risk education projects conducted in South Eastern Europe (SEE). This report is one of a series of publications on this issue.
Topic:
Arms Control and Proliferation, Civil Society, Education, and Human Welfare
Political Geography:
Europe

742. Literature Review on Media Violence, Children and Small Arms

Publication Date:
11-2006
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
South Eastern Europe Clearinghouse for the Control of Small Arms and Light Weapons
Abstract:
One of the key issues in examining the impact of small arms on children is the role of the media. The SEESAC Education Consultant has developed a Literature Review of some materials that are relevant to considering the need for education programmes on media violence and small arms. Research has now confirmed the link between media violence and aggressive behaviour. If young people also have ready access to guns, then the likelihood of violent behaviour, against themselves and others, increases. Most of the resources are from the USA, with the exception of the UNESCO study; however, US media, films, TV, video and computer games are increasingly available to children all over the world, so the US research data is relevant.
Topic:
Arms Control and Proliferation, Civil Society, Education, and Human Welfare

743. Naval Exercises off Bahrain: Preventing Proliferation between North Korea and Iran

Author:
Simon Henderson
Publication Date:
10-2006
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
The Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Abstract:
From October 30 to 31, 2006, U.S. military forces in the Persian Gulf will join the armed forces of several other countries to hold a naval exercise in the interception and search of ships carrying weapons of mass destruction (WMD) and missiles. Though long planned, the exercise has added importance because of this month's nuclear test in North Korea and President George W. Bush's subsequent warning that Pyongyang will be “held to account” if it sells nuclear material to Iran or al-Qaeda.
Topic:
Arms Control and Proliferation
Political Geography:
United States, Iran, Asia, and North Korea

744. How Many Weapons Are There in Cambodia?

Author:
Christina Wille
Publication Date:
06-2006
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Small Arms Survey
Abstract:
This background paper explains the evidence and logic for the small arms and light weapons stockpile estimates for Cambodia that are presented in the 2006 Small Arms Survey yearbook chapter (Small Arms Survey, 2006) and other Small Arms Survey publications on Cambodia. These state that there are 107,000–188,000 small arms and light weapons presently in government stockpiles, and 22,000–85,000 weapons outside of government control.
Topic:
International Relations, Arms Control and Proliferation, and War
Political Geography:
Cambodia and Southeast Asia

745. Islands of Safety in a Sea of Guns: Gun-free Zones in South Africa

Author:
Adèle Kirsten
Publication Date:
01-2006
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Small Arms Survey
Abstract:
On 27 April 1994, millions of South Africans cast their votes in the country's first fully democratic general elections, signalling an end to more than 350 years of political rule by a white minority over the black majority. South Africa's history is one of colonial conquest, dispossession, segregation, and repression; one in which firearms played an important role in maintaining the border between the oppressed and the oppressor, between the colonized and the colonizer. With the state's implementation of apartheid policies after 1948, which further entrenched white rule, the military expanded its influence into all areas of social life, becoming a pervasive element in South African society. In response to the increased repression by the apartheid state, resistance organizations turned to armed violence as one strand in the strategy for national liberation. Many members of the military wing of the African National Congress (ANC) regarded themselves as soldiers fighting in a people's war. Although many held that South Africa was at war, it was generally accepted that the conflict was a low-level civil war, commonly referred to as 'low intensity conflict' (Cock and Nathan, 1989). As a result of several factors, such as internal mass mobilization against apartheid and increasing international pressure for a political solution to the South African conflict, negotiations for a new political dispensation started in 1990, culminating in a democratic constitution and the 1994 elections.
Topic:
International Relations, Arms Control and Proliferation, and War
Political Geography:
Africa and Island

746. Aceh: A New Chance for Peace

Publication Date:
08-2005
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
International Crisis Group
Abstract:
On 15 August the Indonesian Government and the Free Aceh Movement (Gerakan Aceh Merdeka, GAM) are to sign a peace agreement that offers the best hope yet of ending a conflict that has cost over 9,000 lives since 1976. But no one should underestimate the difficulties of bringing an end to a 30-year-old conflict. Deep reservoirs of fear and distrust remain. The demobilisation and disarmament phases will be critical, and they are scheduled to begin in a month. Release of GAM prisoners will happen even sooner. In formation, communication, and planning are in very short supply. Among the most urgent tasks are: finding appropriate channels for the widest possible dissemination of information about the agreement in Indonesian and Acehnese, with an explanation of how it differs from the failed 2002 agreement; coordinating the different agencies working on amnesty, disarmament, reintegration, monitoring and funding; ensuring that government promises of land, jobs, or social security to various groups are quickly kept; and protecting vulnerable groups, including those who report violations of the agreement.
Topic:
Conflict Resolution, Arms Control and Proliferation, and Government
Political Geography:
Indonesia and Australia/Pacific

747. Evolving Threats, Evolving Policy: US Attitudes and Multilateral Institutions for Nuclear, Biological, and Chemicals Weapons

Author:
Natasha Bajema
Publication Date:
07-2005
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Center on International Cooperation (CIC)
Abstract:
The strategic environment underlying international policy responses to the proliferation of nuclear, biological and chemical weapons (NBC) has undergone dramatic and rapid transformation since 1990. This process was catalyzed by the dissolution of the Soviet Union and more recently by the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001. The threat of proliferation has emerged from the Cold War era as a multidimensional threat involving multiple and distinct classes of weapons (nuclear, biological and chemical weapons as well as radiological devices), increasing access to dual-use technology and materials, exponential advances in science and technology and greater numbers of actors (proliferating states and nonstate actors). Accordingly, the new dimensions of the proliferation threat require diverse and multi-faceted international responses, i.e. a comprehensive strategy at the global, national and sub-national levels.
Topic:
International Relations, Security, and Arms Control and Proliferation
Political Geography:
United States

748. Multilateral approaches to the nuclear fuel cycle

Author:
Lance Joseph
Publication Date:
08-2005
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Lowy Institute for International Policy
Abstract:
The 1968 Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) is meant to be underpinned by a three-part bargain: states without weapons were to foreswear them and the wherewithal to build them; states with such weapons were to get rid of them, gradually and as part of general nuclear disarmament; and all parties were to cooperate in the peaceful uses of nuclear energy.
Topic:
Arms Control and Proliferation, Energy Policy, Nuclear Weapons, and Science and Technology

749. Buying air warfare destroyers: a strategic decision

Author:
Hugh White
Publication Date:
06-2005
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Lowy Institute for International Policy
Abstract:
The Air Warfare Destroyer [AWD] project is Australia's biggest proposed defence acquisition in decades. Cabinet has already chosen a company to build the ships. But before minsters go further and sign contracts, they should stop and ask two big questions which have not so far been properly considered. First, would AWDs do enough for Australia's defence to justify their cost, and what would we need to sacrifice to afford them? Second, are we buying them the right way? There are good reasons to think that the answer to both questions is no. The AWD's main purpose is to provide air defence for ADF amphibious operations in medium- to high-level conflicts. But such operations would not be a high priority for Australia. The forces we could deploy are small, and the risks they would face, even with AWDs, are daunting. And if it was necessary, amphibious operations could be better protected for air attack by proactive counter-air campaigns or fighter escorts. For coalition operations, AWDs would only add another option to a wide range of highly capable contributions we can already make, including submarines, maritime patrol aircraft, AEW and fighters. And AWDs would be marginal to any future development of ballistic missile defences for Australia. So AWDs would provide few important new military options. But their high price imposes big opportunity costs in the already-squeezed defence investment program. Unless Defence funding rises sharply, we can afford them only by cutting other major capabilities. The most likely trade-off is the JSF project; cutting that would have serious strategic costs. So ministers should not commit to buying the AWDs before they have reviewed the Defence Capability Plan as a whole to see the full implications for the ADF's overall capability. If ministers nonetheless decide to buy AWDs, they should look very carefully at how the project is being developed and managed. As they did with Navy's troubled Collins submarines and Seasprite helicopters, Defence is setting unique Australian requirements that will unnecessarily add to the cost and risk of the project. And they are experimenting with a new acquisition strategy that provides less competition and leaves more of the risk of the project in Defence's hands. A simpler and more competitive acquisition strategy would provide better value for money. The simplest and cheapest of all would be to buy overseas. There is no compelling strategic reason to buy AWDs, and even less to build them in Australia.
Topic:
Arms Control and Proliferation, Economics, and Government
Political Geography:
Australia and Australia/Pacific

750. The Rise of China with Special Reference to Arms Supplies

Author:
Peter Brookes, Bruno Tertrais, and Alexei D. Voskressenski
Publication Date:
04-2005
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS)
Abstract:
Like the rest of the world, Europe has been fascinated by the emergence of China for a long time, and there has been an official relationship between the EU and the People's Republic of China for 30 years now. This relationship was upgraded in 1998. It now takes the form of a China-EU summit every year, the latest having taken place in December 2004. The EU became China's main trading partner in 2004, with trade between the two parties soaring to €160 billion.
Topic:
Arms Control and Proliferation and Development
Political Geography:
China, Europe, and Asia