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541. Externalizing the Crisis: Buffer Zones Around the EU

Author:
Emma Burström
Publication Date:
12-2015
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Global Political Trends Center
Abstract:
With the Syrian civil war soon entering its fifth year of armed conflict, the European Union is facing the largest influx of people in its history. Over 710,000 refugees and irregular migrants, of which a majority were Syrians, entered EU territory in the first 3 quarters of 2015 only (FRONTEX, 2015). Despite several informal top-level meetings between the EU member states and a pledge to relocate 160,000 refugees from the two main reception countries Greece and Italy, concrete action has yet to be taken and, as of yet, less than two hundred have been resettled within the EU (European Commission (d), 2015). Attempts to manage the influx of refugees and irregular migrants on a supranational level have been met with resistance from the governments of the member states. As the situation deteriorates and the number of people arriving shows no sign of abating, the member states are desperately looking outside the EU for solutions. Hoping to persuade transit countries to participate in refugee protection, and to contribute to stronger borders, the EU is engaging in various projects and negotiations focusing on its near abroad, with the aim of creating a buffer against the migrants. This policy update will briefly explore the history and implementation of these buffer zones, from the visa restrictions during the Yugoslav wars in the 90’s to the increasing use of ‘safe third countries’ today. Further, the positive and negative aspects of these buffer zones will be examined with the objective of: 1) detecting the possible risks of human rights violations, poverty, and insecurity, that closed border could cause; and 2), highlighting the potential benefits to the refugees and irregular migrants, the host countries, and the refugee sending countries, that could be the result of well-constructed policies.
Topic:
European Union, Refugees, Conflict, and Syrian War
Political Geography:
Europe, Middle East, and Syria

542. The transnational extension of a symbolic fight: how State knowledge on borders cross the State borders? | L’extension transnationale du domaine de la lutte symbolique : comment les savoirs d’État sur les frontières passent-ils les frontières de l’État ?

Author:
Médéric Martin-Mazé
Publication Date:
06-2015
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Cultures & Conflits
Institution:
Cultures & Conflits
Abstract:
Why does the EU promote the OSCE concept of border security in Kyrgyzstan while the OSCE export the EU Integrated Border Management in Tajikistan? To elucidate this paradox, this article lays bare the transnational symbolic struggle between two professional guilds: Finnish and Austro-Hungarian border guard contest for the monopoly over the legitimate definition of means of circulation in Europe, and beyond. In European headquarters, the Fins successfully occupy the forestage of the EU, thereby relegating their Austro-Hungarians competitors to the backstage of the OSCE. On the Central Asian fields, however, the former provide the assistance of the OSCE to Tajikistan, whereas the later deliver the aid of the EU to Kyrgyzstan. This chassé-croisé helps understand why the Tajik strategy of border reform incorporates key elements of the Schengen 4 tiers model, while the Kyrgyz strategy implicitly refers to the cooperative approach put forth by the OSCE.
Topic:
Security, European Union, and Borders
Political Geography:
Central Asia and Asia

543. Nuevos planteamientos en la seguridad energética de la Unión Europea y opciones en el Mediterráneo Occidental

Author:
Soledad Segoviano
Publication Date:
10-2015
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Revista UNISCI/UNISCI Journal
Institution:
Unidad de investigación sobre seguridad y cooperación (UNISCI)
Abstract:
Durante la última década, la seguridad energética ha experimentado una escalada en la lista de prioridades estratégicas de la política energética y exterior de la UE. Las profundas transformaciones en el panorama energético global, impulsadas por los continuos avances tecnológicos, importantes desafíos geopolíticos, además de los imperativos derivados de la transición hacia un sistema energético descarbonizado, exigen la reevaluación de la estrategia de seguridad energética de la UE. Un proceso que, sin embargo, se encuentra condicionado por las tensiones derivadas de la necesidad declarada en favor de políticas de cooperación y coordinación reforzadas y el respeto por los intereses nacionales energéticos de los Estados Miembros. El objetivo de este trabajo se centra en analizar los desafíos que afronta la estrategia de seguridad energética de la UE en un mundo en transformación, identificando políticas y mecanismos que contribuyan a su fortalecimiento. La promoción y desarrollo de unas sólidas relaciones energéticas entre la UE y sus vecinos del sur del Mediterráneo representan una extraordinaria oportunidad para diseñar y alcanzar renovados objetivos estratégicos en beneficio de ambas regiones.
Topic:
Security, Energy Policy, and European Union
Political Geography:
Europe and Mediterranean

544. Hacia un nuevo y diferente «Flanco Sur» en el Gran Magreb-Sahel

Author:
Raquel Barrás and Pablo Rey García
Publication Date:
10-2015
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Revista UNISCI/UNISCI Journal
Institution:
Unidad de investigación sobre seguridad y cooperación (UNISCI)
Abstract:
La unión de espacios subgobernados, la corrupción, el crimen organizado y terrorismo es la amenaza a la que se enfrenta la UE y sus estados miembros en el Gran Magreb, el cual está recreando un nuevo y diferente Flanco Sur al que existía durante la Guerra Fría. El aumento de la actividad extremista en la región del Sahel-Sáhara a partir de 2005 ha ido en paralelo con el crecimiento de las redes de crimen organizado transnacional a través del área. Aunque hay un intenso debate sobre su relación, intensidad e impacto, es una dinámica innegable en el área. La UE no tiene realmente una política unificada Magreb-Sahel y en términos de crimen organizado y terrorismo, el Sahel no se puede separar del Magreb. Hay una comprensión limitada y parcial del problema tanto en términos de amenazas como en soluciones viables, ampliado irremediablemente por la acción de Boko Haram y desbordando la visión, proyección y estrategia de la UE. A pesar del "Sahel Regional Action Plan 2015-2020", las medidas tomadas son reducidas, muy recientes y probablemente insuficientes y tardías desde el punto de vista de la dinámica y sinergia entre terrorismo-crimen organizado en un contexto de corrupción. La UE sigue manteniendo un enfoque seguridad-desarrollo, básicamente en una concepción de seguridad humana, a pesar de que este enfoque es altamente discutible para enfrentarse a este tipo de amenazas.
Topic:
Terrorism, European Union, Conflict, Hybrid Warfare, and Organized Crime
Political Geography:
Europe, North Africa, Morocco, and Sahel

545. Time for European Politics

Author:
Vaclav Havel Library
Publication Date:
05-2015
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Vaclav Havel Library
Abstract:
The return of geopolitics to Europe from the East together with the publics‘ reaction to the spectre of immigration from the South has finally dawned on EU’s politicians. It is no longer possible to pretend that the „outside“ and the „inside“ can be kept apart. Europe‘s identity is being questioned with surprising intensity and in unexpected ways. Reactionary East- West political and cultural alliances are being forged, feeding and fed by nationalism, populist radicalism and antiliberal conservatism with Eurasian flavour. At the same time European citizens volunteer to take part in wars abroad, mirrored by and linked to acts of terrorism and violence in European countries. With state, institutions, parties and democratic politics in decline, what are the chances for peace and European democracy? We have to understand what is going on. Europeans inside the Union have to know how they are seen by our neighbours East, Southeast and South. What are their expectations? What do they want to achieve by joining the EU? What are they ready to sacrifice to reach that goal? On the other hand, we need to be clear what defines Europe’s own attitude towards others. Is it trade, economic interests, security or moral values? Can Europe still define its own ways or has it lost the initiative to others? Who can and should take action? The Ukraine crisis is forcing Europe to recognise that its post-Cold War order has reached its limits and needs to contend with harsh facts. Europe has to acknowledge the real world beyond its borders while focusing its energies on consolidating its own political space, which now also includes Ukraine.
Topic:
Civil Society, Regional Cooperation, European Union, and Democracy
Political Geography:
Europe