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2. To Vote or Not to Vote: Venezuelans Face Another Election Choice
- Author:
- Catherine Ellis
- Publication Date:
- 05-2025
- Content Type:
- Commentary and Analysis
- Institution:
- The North American Congress on Latin America (NACLA)
- Abstract:
- In the shadow of a contested presidential vote, Venezuela’s upcoming regional elections reveal more about power struggles than democratic representation.
- Topic:
- Elections, Domestic Politics, Representation, and Voting
- Political Geography:
- South America and Venezuela
3. Debates over TPS for Venezuelans Reveal Diasporic Divide
- Author:
- Francisco Llinas Casas and Erick Moreno Superlano
- Publication Date:
- 05-2025
- Content Type:
- Commentary and Analysis
- Institution:
- The North American Congress on Latin America (NACLA)
- Abstract:
- The battle over Temporary Protected Status provides a window into the class, racial, and political divisions within the Venezuelan diaspora in the United States.
- Topic:
- Politics, Race, Diaspora, Class, Immigration Policy, and Temporary Protection Status (TPS)
- Political Geography:
- South America and Venezuela
4. Tren de Aragua: A Gang, Not Terrorist Invaders
- Author:
- Elliott Young
- Publication Date:
- 04-2025
- Content Type:
- Commentary and Analysis
- Institution:
- The North American Congress on Latin America (NACLA)
- Abstract:
- Trump’s use of the Alien Enemies Act to target Venezuelan migrants relies on a false narrative about Tren de Aragua and the Venezuelan state, and sets a dangerous precedent for immigrant rights.
- Topic:
- Immigration, Deportation, Gangs, and Tren de Aragua
- Political Geography:
- South America, Venezuela, and United States of America
5. ‘Maximum pressure’ sanctions on Venezuela help US adversaries, hurt Venezuelans
- Author:
- William Tobin
- Publication Date:
- 01-2025
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- Atlantic Council
- Abstract:
- The “maximum pressure” strategy employed from 2018 to 2022 against the illegitimate Nicolás Maduro regime in Venezuela did not serve US interests. Stringent oil sanctions imposed on Venezuela forced the retreat of Western oil firms from the country, principally benefitting adversaries. During the maximum pressure campaign, Venezuela’s oil production was rerouted to China at discounted prices, Iran supplied the diluent Venezuela required for oil production, and Russian investors became more critical amid a dearth on Western investment. A democratic transition remained elusive while repression and human rights violations continued. Venezuelans suffered, US adversaries expanded their influence, and Maduro remained. The current system of issuing specific licenses for Western oil producers to operate in Venezuela has yielded superior results. The benefits of this policy have been the following: Venezuelan oil exports have been diverted to friendly nations. Treasury has increased visibility on all oil-related transactions, decreasing the clandestine shipment of oil through shadow tanker fleets operated by the Chinese defense establishment, Iran, or PDVSA. Compensation to the regime is limited to taxes and royalties, which are required by Venezuelan law. The system has enabled the return or reemployment of qualified engineers and technicians to restore production from degraded oilfield infrastructure. The incoming US administration should prioritize inflicting more harm on the regime and its enablers than the Venezuelan people—or US interests. To do so, sanctions must be linked to clear objectives. An uncalibrated reapplication of maximum pressure would cede influence to China, Russia, and Iran, while doing little to loosen the regime’s grip on power. Instead, the existing system of specific licenses should be maintained and expanded. To punish Maduro, the administration should continue to target individuals who enable his illegitimate rule, adding to the 180 individuals already sanctioned by the Treasury. A targeted sanctions policy—not maximum pressure—is the only way to ensure that US actions to confront the Maduro regime impose their desired effect, and do not play into the hands of Beijing, Moscow, or Tehran.
- Topic:
- Markets, Governance, Sanctions, Geopolitics, Economy, and Energy
- Political Geography:
- South America, Latin America, Venezuela, and United States of America
6. The Venezuela-Guyana Dispute over the Essequibo
- Author:
- Rafael Ramírez
- Publication Date:
- 02-2024
- Content Type:
- Commentary and Analysis
- Institution:
- Istituto Affari Internazionali
- Abstract:
- The Essequibo[1] is a territory located in the North-East of South America, between Venezuela and Guyana, with a maritime projection towards the Atlantic. It has been part of Venezuela since 1777[2] under the rule of the Spanish Empire and then as the Republic of Venezuela since 1810. The United Kingdom illegally occupied it in 1814,[3] while Venezuela was going through a long and bloody war of independence. The UK tried to formalise the dispossession of the territory with the Paris Arbitral Award of 3 October 1899,[4] in a flawed process in which Venezuela was represented by the United States. The British Empire exercised its power to obtain a ruling in its favour. After the death of the lawyer Severo Mallet-Prevost in 1949, who represented Venezuela in this process, these irregularities became public knowledge.[5] In 1962, Venezuela denounced the nullity of the process before the United Nations and insisted on its historical claim.[6] On 17 February 1966, Venezuela and the UK signed the Geneva Agreement,[7] whereby the parties recognised the nullity of the Paris Arbitral Award and agreed to search for a negotiated solution. During this process, Guyana (independent since May 1966) would administer the Essequibo but without carrying out any activity that would modify the legal situation of the territory as established in Article V of the agreement, which states that “No acts or activities taking place while this Agreement is in force shall constitute a basis for asserting, supporting or denying a claim to territorial sovereignty in the territories of Venezuela or British Guiana or create any rights of sovereignty in those territories”. After four years, no progress was made in the negotiation, so on 18 June 1970, the two parties signed the Port of Spain Protocol,[8] to suspend the meetings for twelve years and to possibly use as an alternative one of the means of peaceful settlement provided for in the UN Charter.
- Topic:
- Oil, Territorial Disputes, History, and Borders
- Political Geography:
- South America, Venezuela, North America, Guyana, and United States of America
7. Expanding Protection Options? Flexible Approaches to Status for Displaced Syrians, Venezuelans, and Ukrainians
- Author:
- Andrew Selee, Susan Fratzke, Samuel Davidoff-Gore, and Luisa Feline Freier
- Publication Date:
- 01-2024
- Content Type:
- Special Report
- Institution:
- Migration Policy Institute (MPI)
- Abstract:
- Faced with displacement crises that have stretched asylum systems to their limits, countries have increasingly begun to use alternatives to traditional protection tools to provide displaced individuals with legal status and access to certain rights and forms of assistance. Often, the status offered is temporary and does not rely on adjudication of individual cases. While such approaches are not completely new, they have gained prominence through national responses to three of the largest displacement crises of the post-World War II era: displacement from Syria, Venezuela, and Ukraine. The principal host governments in these three crises—Turkey, various South American countries, and EU Member States—chose to provide legal status to millions of protection seekers by using existing immigration policies or new temporary statuses, rather than refugee or asylum systems. This report—part of the Beyond Territorial Asylum: Making Protection Work in a Bordered World initiative led by MPI and the Robert Bosch Stiftung—examines each of these three cases, identifying similarities in the approaches taken to offering protection while recognizing the differences between the cases. The study explores the factors underpinning government decisions and their medium- to long-term implications, concluding with thoughts on what can be learned for future international displacement crises.
- Topic:
- Governance, Refugees, Displacement, Asylum, Integration, and Protection
- Political Geography:
- Ukraine, Syria, and Venezuela
8. Is Hugo Chávez to Blame for Venezuela’s Collapse?
- Author:
- Gabriel Hetland
- Publication Date:
- 03-2024
- Content Type:
- Commentary and Analysis
- Institution:
- The North American Congress on Latin America (NACLA)
- Abstract:
- The country’s current economic and democratic crisis should not be used to erase Chávez’s impressive accomplishments in working to build 21st-century socialism.
- Topic:
- Socialism, Economic Crisis, Hugo Chavez, and Democratic Crisis
- Political Geography:
- South America, Latin America, and Venezuela
9. Could the Territorial Dispute Ignite Conflict Between Venezuela and Guyana?
- Author:
- FARAS
- Publication Date:
- 06-2024
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- Future for Advanced Research and Studies (FARAS)
- Abstract:
- On May 5, 2024, Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro announced the presence of US military and intelligence bases in the Essequibo region, a disputed territory between Venezuela and Guyana. This announcement marks a new escalation in the ongoing dispute over the region, which has gained significant importance following recent major oil discoveries.
- Topic:
- Security, Oil, Territorial Disputes, and Conflict
- Political Geography:
- South America, Venezuela, Guyana, and Essequibo
10. The International Dynamics of Venezuela’s Presidential Election
- Author:
- Luigi R. Einaudi
- Publication Date:
- 11-2024
- Content Type:
- Journal Article
- Journal:
- American Diplomacy
- Institution:
- American Diplomacy
- Abstract:
- Over the last quarter century, an authoritarian and anti-US regime that began with popular support has destroyed Venezuela’s representative democracy, abused its oil economy, and driven more than seven million of its citizens into exile. It has now run out of steam. In the presidential elections held July 28, the regime disqualified opposition leader Maria Corina Machado, then engaged in persistent and creative harassment of a little-known substitute, only to be met with equally persistent and inventive efforts to make the vote count. The night of a record-breaking turnout, the regime announced its official candidate had won a close vote but provided no documentation. The next day, the opposition used official precinct returns to announce a better than two to one victory. A week later, the whole world knew President Nicolás Maduro had lost to Edmundo González Urrutia. But Maduro has remained in power, responding to all pressures with naked oppression clothed in Orwellian manipulations of domestic “legality”. The ultimate outcome of the political standoff remains unclear. Venezuela’s constitution calls for the inauguration of a new president to take place in January 2025. In September, González fled to Spain after being accused of conspiracy, forgery, and sabotage. Historically, exile has never been kind to those who seek it, but the cleavages in Venezuela are now so great that it is still timely to consider the international dynamics revealed by the 2024 presidential election.
- Topic:
- International Affairs, Elections, Geopolitics, and Regional Politics
- Political Geography:
- South America and Venezuela