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1121. The Eastern Partnership: Challenges and Opportunities for European Integration

Author:
Alexander Verschoor-Kirss and Anna Bulakh
Publication Date:
08-2014
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
International Centre for Defence and Security - ICDS
Abstract:
The Vilnius Summit of the Eastern Partnership (abbreviated EaP), held in November 2013, reiterated the stated goal of the previous summit in Warsaw of “building a common area of shared democracy, prosperity, stability and increased interactions and exchanges.” The Vilnius Summit of the Eastern Partnership (abbreviated EaP), held in November 2013, reiterated the stated goal of the previous summit in Warsaw of “building a common area of shared democracy, prosperity, stability and increased interactions and exchanges.” Both the European Union and its partners came to an important conclusion: that the peaceful resolution of conflicts through building trust and good neighborly relations is essential to economic development, social development, and cooperation in the region. Before the EU and EaP countries can reach this laudable goal, however, this partnership needs to address the shared security threat revealed by the current crisis in Ukraine: Vladimir Putin’s Russia.
Topic:
Conflict Resolution, European Union, Partnerships, Democracy, and Regional Integration
Political Geography:
Russia, Europe, and Ukraine

1122. Social Foundation for Middle Class Formation in Ukraine: Identification Criteria, Structure, Features

Author:
Valeriya Klymenko and Hanna Pashkova
Publication Date:
01-2014
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
National Security and Defence
Institution:
Razumkov Centre
Abstract:
This issue of the National Security and Defence journal contains the results of studies of social groups in Ukraine’s modern society, which can be viewed as a prototype and a foundation for the future Ukrainian middle class in the classical sense. The journal contains two analytical reports. The first – “Middle Class in Ukraine: Life Values, Readiness for Association and Promotion of Democratic Norms and Standards”, prepared by Razumkov Centre experts on the basis of research, conducted by Centre’s Sociological Service, and namely, national surveys and focus group research. In this report, on the basis of self-definition and self-evaluation of respondents the following social class groups are being singled out: subjective middle class, “nucleus” and periphery of middle class, upper and lower classes; their comparative analysis is performed according to such parameters as understanding the main principles of democracy and social justice, attitude to participation in civic activity, level of internality/externality of these social class groups’ representatives, etc. On the basis of analysis, a conclusion is being made that according to these (and other) parameters, closest to the middle class notion in its classical sense are such groups as the “nucleus” of the middle class and the upper class. At the same time, currently, the level of trust of these groups in their fellow citizens and institutions, their readiness for regular (as opposed to ad hoc) participation in “the common cause” are insufficient for announcing the existence of an established middle class in Ukraine in its modern sense. The second – “Population with Medium Income as the Basis for Middle Class Formation in Ukraine” – prepared by the team of authors of M.V. Ptukha Institute for Demography and Social Studies on the basis of data from Household Living Conditions Survey performed by the State Statistics Service of Ukraine. Features, singled out on the basis of this data can be viewed as more objective than sociological survey results, which allows to define with more precision the socio-demographic and socio-economic portrait of a middle class representative (groups with medium income), characteristics of his behaviour in consumer market and his property ownership status, as compared to other society groups (distinguished on the basis of income). The report also provides an in-depth analysis of statistical indicators that characterise households with medium income, as well as a definition of their representatives’ key life values. The performed analysis provides a basis for conclusion that, currently, the population group with medium income, according to their assets, financial capacity, consumer behaviour, mindset and subjective evaluations, mostly does not meet the classical definition of the middle class as a special social group with specific functions in the society. At the same time, both reports have mentioned features that both groups under analysis possess, which are typical specifically for “classical” middle class. Thus, representatives of both groups have a high level of education and perform professional activity that requires high qualification, are permanently employed and provide for themselves and their families primarily with their labour income. (Although, most of them also accept social assistance, however, this is rather due to a flawed domestic social security system, which allows for receipt of such assistance by the non-poor). Characteristic of the middle class is the willingness of representatives of both groups to take responsibility for their own lives, their attitude to education, work, career, content of their leisure activities, etc. So, we can assume that both groups under analysis – the “nucleus” of the middle class and the “medium income population group”, have a certain development potential in the context of “classical” middle class formation. Currently, the main problem of both groups is the insufficient income – both from labour remuneration and business activity. Available income is mostly only enough to satisfy primary survival needs, to use certain paid educational and healthcare services for the entire family, rather than high-quality recreation. However, it is not enough to make savings, which would not only provide these groups’ representatives with a feeling of security in their position (including, social status and confidence in the future), but would also be a notable investment resource for the national economy. So, State Policy, and namely the income policy, the remuneration policy, the social policy, have to be aimed at supporting these social and social-professional groups that have the potential to develop into Ukrainian middle class. It is the support for formation of the middle class that is the most efficient way to fight poverty and to introduce democratic values, norms and standards into social, political and economic life of Ukraine, and to approximate the social structure of Ukrainian society to modern societies of developed countries.
Topic:
Democracy, Values, Norms, Middle Class, Society, and Activism
Political Geography:
Europe and Ukraine

1123. The Russia-Ukraine Conflict: Current Situation, Consequences, Prospects

Author:
Valeriya Klymenko and Hanna Pashkova
Publication Date:
01-2014
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
National Security and Defence
Institution:
Razumkov Centre
Abstract:
On 27 January 2015 the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine adopted the Resolution “On the Appeal of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine to the United Nations, European Parliament, Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, NATO Parliamentary Assembly, OSCE Parliamentary Assembly, GUAM Parliamentary Assembly and national parliaments of the countries of the world on the recognition of the Russian Federation as an aggressor state”. It is stated in the document that “Ukraine remains the target of military aggression by the Russian Federation, which the latter carries out, among other things, by supporting, and providing supplies for large-scale terrorist attacks. … taking into account the provisions of the UN Charter and UN General Assembly Resolution 3314 ‘Definition of Aggression’ dated 14 December 1974, the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine recognises the Russian Federation as an Aggressor State…”.1 This Appeal defines the current situation and character of the ongoing Russia-Ukraine conflict, the reason and source for which is Russia’s expansionist policy in the post-Soviet area, which the Russian Federation, represented by its current leadership, considers its “zone of privileged interests”. This forms the basis for Russia’s hard pressure on Ukraine to integrate into Eurasian alliances under the auspices of the Russian Federation (RF), and blocking Kyiv’s course towards European and Euro-Atlantic integration. Such policy, as implemented by Russia since the beginning of 2000, did not involve establishing real partner relations between Moscow and Kyiv on the basis of parity and equality, – its goal was to turn Ukraine into a controlled state, which would operate in the framework of Russia’s policy. Russia’s geopolitical plans regarding Ukraine were ruined in February 2014. In return, Putin’s regime resorted to outright aggression against Ukraine – in March 2014 Crimea was annexed, later began the military expansion in Eastern Ukraine. This “undeclared” or “hybrid” war of Russia against Ukraine has now lasted for almost a year; during this war Ukraine has suffered large-scale human, territorial and economic losses. A critical outcome of this war is mutual estrangement of both countries’ societies. The Russia-Ukraine conflict is not a “local”, “peripheral” event, – it has regional and global dimension, and contains challenges and threats to the global security system. Annexation of Crimea, the situation in Eastern Ukraine are turning into a large-scale “frozen conflict”, which is a threat to security and stability not only on the European continent, but in the world at large. Leading Western countries and international organisations have not recognised the annexation of Crimea, thus, demonstrating political and diplomatic solidarity with Ukraine; have supported Ukraine in its battle against Russian aggression in Donbas. Ukraine has received considerable external financial and material-technical support. “Restraining” sanctions against Russia have been implemented. Currently, Ukraine is in the epicentre of critical West-Russia confrontation, which is characterised by an unprecedented loss of mutual trust. Ukraine-Russia relations are in a critical and unpredictable state. The political and diplomatic confrontation is ongoing; fundamental agreements and arrangements have been violated; the system of institutional interstate relations has been practically shattered; confrontation in the sphere of economy and energy sector is exacerbating, informational aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine continues. In general, current events give no reason to expect changes for the better in Russia’s policy towards Ukraine in the foreseeable future. Thus, the current state of Kyiv-Moscow relations demands creating fundamentally different conceptual and strategic approaches to co-existence with Putin’s Russia, a review of international contacts system, introduction of specific measures towards Russia.
Topic:
Defense Policy, Diplomacy, Bilateral Relations, Geopolitics, and Conflict
Political Geography:
Russia, Europe, Ukraine, and Crimea

1124. What do the Crimean Tatars face in Crimea?

Author:
Alexander Osipov
Publication Date:
04-2014
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI)
Abstract:
The Issue Brief concerns further developments which the Crimean Tatars may experience after the Russian annexation of Crimea. The Crimean Tatars are the second largest minority in the Crimean peninsula, and they are represented by politically active movements with far-reaching claims concerning the status of Crimean Tatars and territorial self-determination. Within less than one month these people as well as their homeland have been transferred to another country with different political and legal systems and potentially a less friendly social environment. Since the contours of the future legal and institutional framework for the accommodation of Crimean Tatars are not fully clear, one can project the major organizational setups and patterns of Russian ethno-politics onto Crimea and tentatively assess their applicability. We can conclude that in a formal sense the Russian rule does not promise the Crimean Tatars much more than they already had in Ukraine, but puts them at risk of a strict police control and pressure. Such arrangements as territorial and non-territorial autonomy, power-sharing, 'rehabilitation' of the Crimean Tatars as victims of the past repressions may take place but they would have limited practical sense. Cultural programmes and recruitment of Crimean Tatars to the regional administration are unlikely to be legally guaranteed and will be fully dependent on the discretion of Russian and Crimean authorities.
Topic:
Culture, Minorities, Ethnicity, Conflict, and Identity
Political Geography:
Russia, Europe, Ukraine, and Crimea

1125. What next for Moldova's Minorities after Crimea?

Author:
Federica Prina
Publication Date:
07-2014
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI)
Abstract:
This Issue Brief examines the possible consequences of Russia's annexation of Crimea on Moldova and its national minorities. It further reflects on the factors that hinder greater integration of persons belonging to minorities, and the expression of minority identity in Moldova/Transnistria. The Issue Brief argues there are two indirect consequences of the annexation of Crimea by Russia. First, the annexation deepens the polarization between the pro-Russia and pro-EU camps in Moldova, which manifests itself in multiple ruptures within Moldovan society. Second, such a polarization furthers a tendency to marginalize (non-Russian) minorities, which implies a reduction of the spaces for the articulation of minority concerns and the expression of minority identity.
Topic:
Minorities, Ethnicity, Discrimination, Conflict, and Identity
Political Geography:
Russia, Europe, Ukraine, Moldova, and Crimea

1126. Erasmus+ Programme With Eyes of Ukrainian Students

Author:
Svitlana Batsyukova
Publication Date:
03-2014
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Studies of Changing Societies Journal (SCS)
Institution:
Studies of Changing Societies Journal (SCS)
Abstract:
This article looks at the relevance, comprehensiveness and integrity of the Erasmus+ programme in Ukraine thorugh the lenses of Ukrainian students' eyes. It takes account of recently signed political provisions of the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement and demonstrates support outlined in the Agreement toward goals of the Erasmus+ programme. The core component of the article presents analysis of students' questionnaires. The questionnaires were composed of questions aimed at supporting or countering different arguments related to the introduction of the Erasmus+ programme in Ukraine.
Topic:
European Union, Higher Education, and Survey
Political Geography:
Europe and Ukraine

1127. Cross-cultural Encounters Of Managers In International Ngos: Results of Qualitative Research Project in Ukraine

Author:
Svitlana Buko
Publication Date:
03-2014
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Studies of Changing Societies Journal (SCS)
Institution:
Studies of Changing Societies Journal (SCS)
Abstract:
The article focuses on cross-cultural communication (drivers and barriers) of Ukrainian and American managers within international Non-Governmental Organizations (INGOs) in Ukraine. The goal of this qualitative research is to analyze communication dynamics of foreign managers-expatriates with local Ukrainian staff members, identify how culture impacts communication and compare US and Ukrainian cultural dimensions using G. Hoftede’s cultural dimension, F. Trompenaars business culture analysis models and cultural adjustment theory. The data in the article are based on the qualitative research study that was conducted in Ukraine and US, where 22 managers (locals and expats) were interviewed and shared case studies of cross-cultural encounters of managers in international NGOs in Ukraine. Research results helped identify barriers and drivers of communication and specify peculiarities of managerial communication values within INGOs.
Topic:
Communications, Culture, Research, and NGOs
Political Geography:
Europe, Ukraine, and United States of America

1128. Global Leadership: Testing Leadership Practices Inventory in Ukraine (Quantitative Case Study)

Author:
R. Boyd Johnson
Publication Date:
03-2014
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Studies of Changing Societies Journal (SCS)
Institution:
Studies of Changing Societies Journal (SCS)
Abstract:
Article examines perceptions of leadership of two different generations of Ukraine using Leadership Practice Inventory (LPI). Leadership practices accepted in certain societies correlate with the dominant culture and reflect its norms and expectations. This quantitative research project focused on adaptation of LPI and testing leadership concepts in Ukraine, a country with an interesting history and unique geopolitical location. The survey results showed peculiarities and differences of Ukrainian leadership perceptions of two different generations.
Topic:
Geopolitics, Leadership, Values, and Case Study
Political Geography:
Europe, Ukraine, and Global Focus

1129. Gender Polymorphism in the Context of Gastronomic Culture: A Sociological Dimension of the Problem

Author:
V. V. Nikolenko
Publication Date:
03-2014
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Studies of Changing Societies Journal (SCS)
Institution:
Studies of Changing Societies Journal (SCS)
Abstract:
The paper presents an attempt to explore several features of interaction between gastronomy and social life using sociological optics (thinking). In particular, it draws a conclusion that gender dimension of gastronomic culture against the social interaction background both in its historical context and nowadays takes quite polyaspect forms of manifestation. Thus, in a society of traditions, gender hierarchization of the meal/table somewhat hindered processes of interaction between men and women during their food practices, cooking processes, which fact to some extent secured the marginal status in society, for women in the first place. These patterns were directly reflected in culinary everyday life and a variety of other gastronomic situations, particularly, during the meal itself. However, gender characteristics of gastronomic culture (feminine) may serve as a "litmus test" to reflect the nature of the state power, including that of a totalitarian regime (according to I. Sokhan). This, in turn, affects the attitude on the part of those in power, expressed through the exercise of their feeding function, to society as a whole. By contrast, we believe that in modern times the most relevant/prominent are other notable characteristics of gender content of gastronomic culture. They are recorded primarily in sustainable cross-cultural peculiarities of selection of a specific menu for for each sex (male/female), which, in turn, is formed under the influence of archetypal social legislation (the term by I. Sokhan) on the one hand, and is sensible to substantial determination of topical social challenges of today on the other.
Topic:
Gender Issues, Women, Totalitarianism, and Socialization
Political Geography:
Ukraine and Global Focus

1130. Ukraine - Europe's New Proxy War?

Author:
Geraint Hughes
Publication Date:
06-2014
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Fletcher Security Review
Institution:
The Fletcher School, Tufts University
Abstract:
Ukraine - Europe's New Proxy War? Dr. Geraint Hughes | 22 May 2014 DOWNLOAD PDF On February 27 and 28, 2014, shortly after the revolution in Kiev that toppled Viktor Yanukovych’s government, the Autonomous Republic of Crimea was taken over by thousands of masked and armed Russian troops, backed by armor and attack helicopters. In an unconvincing attempt to hide their origin, the soldiers wore no insignia and passed themselves off as a ‘self-defense’ militia drawn from the ethnic Russian majority of the peninsula, which until 1954 had belonged to Russia itself. In fact, this occupation force consisted either of personnel from the Black Sea Fleet (BSF) based in Crimea or troops sent from the Russian Federation. Russia’s parliament subsequently voted to grant President Vladimir Putin powers to order further interventions in Ukraine to ‘protect ethnic Russians’, whilst a ‘referendum’ held in Crimea on March 16 produced an overwhelming vote in favor of union with the Russian Federation. Three days later, Russian troops and ‘self-defense’ militias forcibly evicted Ukrainian naval personnel from their own bases, formalizing the annexation of Crimea. This landgrab by Russia, and the separatist turmoil it is currently inciting in Eastern Ukraine, constitutes the most serious crisis in Europe since the Georgian war of August 2008. Although the post-Yanukovych government in Ukraine has acted cautiously and focused on mustering diplomatic support, the country has become the location of a diplomatic confrontation between Russia and the West (the United States, its NATO allies, and member states of the European Union) that could potentially deteriorate into a military clash between Kiev and Moscow. There are repeated instances in history where states have resorted to proxy warfare rather than the overt use of force, using non-state para-military actors to subvert and undermine an adversary. In the process, sponsor states have armed, equipped, trained, and sheltered proxies, and have at times even reinforced them with advisors and special forces personnel, as is the case with Russian military intelligence (GRU) and special forces (spetsnaz) troops reportedly reinforcing local ‘separatists’ in the ‘Donetsk People’s Republic’. Proxy warfare has also sometimes preceded an overt military intervention. Given both Putin’s threats to ‘defend’ ethnic Russians and the mobilization of Russian army and air force units over the past two months, this remains a very real possibility in Ukraine. The overall objectives of a sponsor state usually involve the coercion of an adversary, its disruption, or the attainment of a transformative objective, which in turn can involve the successful encouragement of separatism, the annexation of territory, or regime change. Allowing for the absence of solid information on Russian aims it is likely that Moscow’s present reasons for destabilizing Ukraine involve an opportunistic combination of these three outcomes. Putin may well hope that the turmoil he is inciting in the East of the country will forestall the forthcoming elections on May 25 and will force Kiev to subordinate its foreign policy to Russian interests. It is likely that he may consider the takeover of more Ukrainian territory if its government persists in its efforts to forge closer ties with the United States and EU.
Topic:
Security, History, Conflict, and Proxy War
Political Geography:
Europe and Ukraine