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792. Enhancing Nuclear Security in the Counter-Terrorism Struggle: India and Pakistan as a New Region for Cooperation
- Author:
- Rose Gottemoeller and Rebecca Longsworth
- Publication Date:
- 08-2002
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
- Abstract:
- THIS PAPER REPORTS THE RESULTS OF A STUDY of the potential to apply the principles and practice of threat reduction cooperation to countries beyond the territory of the former Soviet Union. The study, which was funded by the MacArthur Foundation, focused on the application of concepts and tools used in the former Soviet Union to the region of South Asia. The research was designed to explore what might be done cooperatively to enhance the security of the nuclear assets of India and Pakistan, lest they fall into the hands of terrorists or leaders of rogue states who would use them to threaten other states or peoples.
- Topic:
- Security, Terrorism, and Weapons of Mass Destruction
- Political Geography:
- Pakistan, South Asia, Asia, and Soviet Union
793. A New Equation: U.S. Policy toward India and Pakistan after September 11
- Author:
- Lee Feinstein, David Albright, James C Clad, and Lewis A Dunn
- Publication Date:
- 06-2002
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
- Abstract:
- The shifting geopolitical furniture on the subcontinent since last September's terrorist attacks has placed the United States in the unaccustomed position of having good relations with India and Pakistan at the same time. This has helped to forge a consensus in the United States on some of the core challenges India and Pakistan face, and on the approach Washington must pursue to advance its long-term goals for the region.
- Topic:
- Foreign Policy
- Political Geography:
- Pakistan, United States, South Asia, and Asia
794. A New Response to the Kashmir Dispute
- Author:
- Jon P. Dorschner
- Publication Date:
- 08-2002
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- Department of Social Sciences at West Point, United States Military Academy
- Abstract:
- This paper examines the current state of the Kashmir dispute between Pakistan and India. While the dispute has been relegated to the back burner by the United States and deemed unsolvable, it could be resolved if the United States invested the resources and energy required. The Northern Ireland dispute serves as a model. Both countries would have to agree to postpone final resolution of the status of Kashmir, while demobilizing armed forces, ending terrorism, establishing a credible human rights regime, and opening the Line of Control to enable free contact by Kashmiris.
- Topic:
- Security, Defense Policy, and Terrorism
- Political Geography:
- Pakistan, United States, South Asia, India, Kashmir, and North Ireland
795. Bangladeshi Strategies to Deal with Marginalization
- Author:
- Jon P. Dorschner
- Publication Date:
- 07-2002
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- Department of Social Sciences at West Point, United States Military Academy
- Abstract:
- Through an accident of history, the state of Bengal was divided between two different countries, first Pakistan and India, and later Bangladesh and India. This paper alleges that, as a result, Bangladesh has assumed the status of a “marginalized state” which is incapable of serious economic development and is seeing the erosion of its soverienty due to poverty and endemic out-migration. The paper postulates that Bangladesh will have to modify its current relationship with India, and the Indian state of West Bengal in particular, and sacrifice a measure of its sovereignty in order to assure economic development and continued survival over the long term.
- Topic:
- Security, Defense Policy, and Religion
- Political Geography:
- Pakistan, Bangladesh, South Asia, and Bengal
796. Interview with Talal Asad, author of Formations of the Secular: Christianity, Islam, Modernity
- Author:
- Nermeen Shaikh
- Publication Date:
- 12-2002
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- Asia Society
- Abstract:
- Talal Asad has conducted extensive research on the phenomenon of religion (and secularism), particularly the religious revival in the Middle East. Professor Asad is the author of Genealogies of Religion: Discipline and Reasons of Power in Christianity and Islam (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1993). His new book, Formations of the Secular: Christianity, Islam, Modernity will be published by Stanford University Press in February 2003. Professor Asad is Distinguished Professor of Anthropology at the City University of New York (CUNY) Graduate Center.
- Topic:
- Government and Religion
- Political Geography:
- South Asia and Middle East
797. US-Russian Lessons for South Asia
- Author:
- Zia Mia, R. Rajaraman, and Frank von Hippel
- Publication Date:
- 08-2002
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- Foreign Policy In Focus
- Abstract:
- The current South Asian crisis seems to have ebbed, but the underlying dynamic remains. The next crisis will be even more dangerous if South Asia's nuclear confrontation develops in the same direction as the U.S.-Russian standoff, with nuclear missiles on alert, aimed at each other and ready to launch on warning. As Lee Butler, former head of the U.S. Strategic Command, has said, the U.S. and Soviet Union survived their crises, "no thanks to deterrence, but only by the grace of God." Will South Asia be so fortunate?
- Topic:
- International Relations
- Political Geography:
- Russia, United States, Europe, South Asia, and Asia
798. Nuclear War in South Asia
- Author:
- Matthew McKinzie, Zia Mian, M.V. Ramana, and A.H. Nayyar
- Publication Date:
- 06-2002
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- Foreign Policy In Focus
- Abstract:
- There is a history of war in South Asia. India and Pakistan fought in 1948, 1965, 1971, and 1999. There is good evidence that in no case was there the expectation of a war on the scale and of the kind that ensued. Rather, war followed misadventure, driven by profound errors of policy, political and military judgement, and public sentiment. Nuclear weapons do nothing to lessen such possibilities. There is even reason to believe they may make them worse in South Asia. One lesson of the 1999 Kargil war is that Pakistan saw its newly acquired nuclear weapons as a shield from behind which it could fuel and stoke the conflict in Kashmir, safe from any possible Indian retaliation. During this war, nuclear threats were made publicly by leaders on both sides. It took international intervention to stop the slide to a larger, more destructive war.
- Topic:
- Defense Policy, Nuclear Weapons, and War
- Political Geography:
- Pakistan, South Asia, India, and Kashmir
799. Justice Under International Administration: Kosovo, East Timor and Afghanistan
- Author:
- Simon Chesterman
- Publication Date:
- 09-2002
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- International Peace Institute
- Abstract:
- In the rare circumstances in which the United Nations administers a post-conflict territory, what law should be enforced? By whom? And, crucially, how should one resolve the potential dilemma between building capacity for sustainable local institutions and maintaining respect for international standards of justice? This report examines these questions through the experiences of United Nations administrations in Kosovo (1999— ) and East Timor (1999-2002) and the assistance mission in Afghanistan (2002— ). Practice in this area has, necessarily, been improvizational rather than principled. But it is possible to draw some broad lessons from these three experiments in judicial reconstruction First, the administration of justice should rank among the higher priorities of a post-conflict peace operation – certainly far higher than it is currently ranked in Afghanistan. There is a tendency on the part of international actors to conflate armed conflict and criminal activity more generally. Drawing a clearer distinction and being firm on violations of the law increases both the credibility of the international presence and the chances of a peace agreement holding. Failure to do this undermined the credibility of the international presence in Kosovo, and led to missed opportunities in East Timor. Secondly, in an immediate post-conflict environment lacking a functioning law enforcement and judicial system, rule of law functions may have to be entrusted to military personnel on a temporary basis. Recourse to the military for such functions is a last resort, but may be the only alternative to a legal vacuum. The law imposed in such circumstances should be simple and consistent. If it is not feasible to enforce the law of the land, martial law should be declared as a temporary measure, with military lawyers – especially if they come from different national contingents – agreeing upon a basic legal framework. Persons detained under such an ad hoc system should be transferred to civilian authorities as quickly as possible. Thirdly, once the security environment allows the process of civil reconstruction to begin, sustainability should generally take precedence over temporary standards in the administration of basic law and order. Whether internationalized processes are appropriate for the most serious crimes should be determined, where possible, through broad consultation with local actors.
- Topic:
- Conflict Resolution and United Nations
- Political Geography:
- Afghanistan, Europe, South Asia, Kosovo, and Southeast Asia
800. Tiptoeing Through Afghanistan: The Future of UN State-Building
- Author:
- Simon Chesterman
- Publication Date:
- 09-2002
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- International Peace Institute
- Abstract:
- Afghanistan represents a radically different model in the panoply of UN peace operations. On paper it resembles earlier assistance missions that provided governance and development support to post-conflict societies. In practice, however, the UN mission remains intimately involved with the Afghan Transitional Administration and therefore with the peace process that put it in place. This disjunction between formal authority and practical influence poses a challenge not only for the specific operation in Afghanistan but also to accepted models of UN peace operations more generally. Most analyses of UN peace operations suggest that the more complex the political environment, the larger the amount of resources required to complete the mandate. On any such measure, the UN Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA) faces an uphill battle. UNAMA is instead pursuing a high-risk strategy that requires two conceptual leaps from the normal mould of peace operations. The first is that it is possible to blur the normal distinction between negotiating a peace agreement and implementing it. The second is that the UN can make up for its small mandate and limited resources through exercising greater than normal political influence. There is widespread agreement among UNAMA and most of its Afghan partners that expansion of the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) beyond Kabul would be an important stabilizing factor in this process. If it is to be done, it should be done urgently, while all parties are still buying into the Loya Jirga process. Given the reaction of the United States and potential troop-contributing nations, however, expansion now appears highly unlikely. Every UN mission and development programme now stresses the importance of local 'ownership'. This may be the first mission where some of the local population themselves are truly taking charge. Development, however, is notoriously supply- rather than demand-driven; donor countries are infamous for pledging one thing and delivering another. Agencies must therefore take this into account when constructing fictional budgetary targets that they know will not be met, making responsible financial planning still more difficult. Compounding these problems is confusion in Afghanistan as to what projects are actually going to be funded and when. This is partly caused by the refusal of some of the largest donors to have their money pooled into a trust fund for the whole of Afghanistan. The Emergency Loya Jirga was intended to encourage Afghans from all parts of the country to 'buy into the peace process'. This phrase was used metaphorically, but should also be understood literally. Encouraging Afghans to see the solutions to their problems as lying in the embryonic institutions of the state is good politics internationally. It is also Afghanistan's best chance for stability and relative prosperity.
- Topic:
- Conflict Resolution, Development, Peace Studies, and United Nations
- Political Geography:
- Afghanistan and South Asia