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1. EU MONITOR: The new Slovak government: An exemplary to the rest of the V4 amidst global crises?

Author:
Miroslava Pěčková
Publication Date:
07-2020
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Europeum Institute for European Policy
Abstract:
The results of Slovak presidential and European elections in 2019 indicated a political change in Slovakia, distancing itself from a twelve year-long dominance of ruling party SMER, which got embroiled in many corruption scandals throughout its reign. Firstly, the presidential elections in March 2019 appointed Zuzana Čaputová to President, defeating SMER´s candidate Maroš Šefčovič. She took hold of the office as an explicit advocate for multilateralism, anticorruption and a more liberal direction for the country, stating that her “main focus is to bring about change in Slovakia, and for Slovakia to be a reliable and predictable partner of the European Union”, while having an “inspirational effect” to other European countries in this regard1. Secondly, two months later, the coalition PS-SPOLU (whose former vice-president is Čaputová) noticeably won the elections to the European Parliament, with its programme promising a “real European Slovakia” and an intention to actively participate in the EU´s development and unity2. The coalition´s success marked another election lost by SMER in a row and subsequently offered the possibility of further political upheaval in the upcoming elections. The composition of the new government coalition arising from the 2020 Slovak parliamentary elections confirmed the change of political leadership in the country, thus bringing a potential for change as it consists of the parties of previous opposition and defined itself against its predecessor. This paper will analyse the new government´s programme and policies specifically pertaining to rule of law and green transformation vis-à-vis their feasibility in the context of contemporary developments. The COVID-19 pandemic influenced the beginning of the rule of the new government and is going to affect the real shape of its original political plans and reforms due to significant impact on Slovak economy. Moreover, the paper will reflect if these developments are likely to be significant in the Visegrad 4 context.
Topic:
Politics, Elections, European Union, Rule of Law, and COVID-19
Political Geography:
Eurasia, Eastern Europe, Czech Republic, and Slovakia

2. Is the “show-the-flag” strategy relevant for Visegrad countries in securing the EU?

Author:
Hana N. Hlaváčková
Publication Date:
10-2020
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Revista UNISCI/UNISCI Journal
Institution:
Unidad de investigación sobre seguridad y cooperación (UNISCI)
Abstract:
The European security environment has changed and the EU has become more independent in its security policy. New threats faced by the EU in 2014 (the migration crises) and other remaining threats (such as terrorism, organised crime, piracy) need solving by its greater involvement in the region. One problem that the EU tries to solve is the inconsistency of member states in security issues. In this article, we focus on the V4 group and their opinions towards EU security. This article examines strategies adopted by small/new EU member states to protect European borders and European territories and regions outside the EU that affect their security. For a long time, the V4 countries only participated sporadically in EU missions. The article shows what changes took place and what were the reasons for the decision to participate or not in the EU activities. The article raises the question of whether the showthe-flag strategy adopted by the V4 countries and their participation in EU missions is relevant for ensuring European security nowadays.
Topic:
Security, NATO, Politics, and European Union
Political Geography:
Europe, Poland, Hungary, Czech Republic, Slovakia, and United States of America

3. 2nd Annual Suna Panel Discussion: Turkey and the EU: Turning Long-Term Relations into Effective Collaboration

Author:
Lenka Peťková
Publication Date:
03-2014
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Global Political Trends Center (GPoT)
Abstract:
Commemorating Amb. Suna Çokgür Ilıcak, Global Political Trends Center (GPoT Center) of Istanbul Kültür University in collaboration with the Center for Strategic Research (SAM) of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Turkey, and the Faculty of Social and Economic Sciences (FSES) of the Comenius University in Bratislava organized the second panel discussion held in her memory. Amb. Suna Çokgür Ilıcak, who had passed away while serving as Turkey's Ambassador to Slovakia, played a pivotal role in strengthening relations between the two countries. The panel discussion entitled "Turkey and the EU: Turning Long-Term Relations into Effective Collaboration" took place on March 6, 2014 on the premises of the FSES with the participation of students, academics, local civil society and media representatives, experts and members of the diplomatic corps based in Bratislava.
Topic:
International Relations, Diplomacy, Politics, and European Union
Political Geography:
Europe, Turkey, and Slovakia

4. Social Exclusion and Political Change

Author:
Hauke Hartmann and Daniel Schraad-Tischler
Publication Date:
05-2012
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Americas Quarterly
Institution:
Council of the Americas
Abstract:
When do inequality and economic frustration erupt into political turmoil?
Topic:
Economics and Politics
Political Geography:
Russia, Bahrain, and Slovakia

5. Tableau de bord des pays d’Europe centrale et orientale et d’Eurasie 2012 (Volume 1 : Europe centrale et orientale)

Author:
Jean-Pierre Pagé, Jacques Rupnik, Céline Bayou, Edith Lhomel, and Catherine Samary
Publication Date:
12-2012
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Centre d'Etudes et de Recherches Internationales (CERI)
Abstract:
L’Europe centrale et orientale ne se porte globalement pas aussi mal qu’on l’écrit parfois et, d’une certaine manière, nettement mieux que l’Europe occidentale et que la zone euro en particulier. Avant la crise déjà, elle se singularisait par une croissance élevée, qui atteignait 4 % par an en 2008 pour les dix nouveaux membres de l’Union européenne (UE), contre 0,5 % pour les quinze pays de la zone euro. Son taux de chômage était inférieur d’environ 6,5 % à celui constaté dans ladite zone. En outre, dûment chapitrée par les institutions financières internationales, elle pouvait faire état d’une discipline exemplaire en matière de finances publiques, avec une dette qui ne dépassait pas 30 % du PIB pour la grande majorité des seize pays étudiés ici (voir les tableaux synthétiques à la fin de ce chapitre) et était très inférieure à ce niveau pour plusieurs d’entre eux. Quant au déficit des finances publiques, calculé à partir de la moyenne des seize pays, il était inférieur à 3 % du PIB. A tout cela s’ajoute la bonne tenue d’ensemble d’un jeune système bancaire qui, pourtant dépendant de maisons mères occidentales ayant subi le choc de la crise, ne s’est pas effondré malgré les sinistres avertissements des Cassandres : les pays baltes ont bénéficié de liens très forts avec les riches systèmes bancaires de l’Europe du Nord, les pays de l’Europe centrale (à l’exception de la Slovénie) ont su constituer au cours de la transition des banques saines, et les établissements de l’Europe du Sud-Est ont été, au moins momentanément, sauvés par l’action conjuguée des institutions financières internationales dans le cadre des deux « Initiatives de Vienne ».
Topic:
Markets, Political Economy, Politics, Governance, Finance, and Regional Integration
Political Geography:
Eastern Europe, Poland, Lithuania, Estonia, Serbia, Bulgaria, Romania, Macedonia, Albania, Croatia, Latvia, Montenegro, Czech Republic, Central Europe, Slovenia, Slovakia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina

6. Tableau de bord des pays d'Europe centrale et orientale et d'Eurasie 2011 (Volume 1)

Author:
Jean-Pierre Pagé, Jacques Rupnik, Edith Lhomel, and Catherine Samary
Publication Date:
12-2011
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Centre d'Etudes et de Recherches Internationales (CERI)
Abstract:
Pour sa quinzième édition (le premier volume est paru en 1997 !), le Tableau de Bord fait peau neuve et ouvre ses pages à des pays qu'il ignorait jusqu'à présent : signe des temps, alors que les pays d'Europe centrale et orientale sont tous intégrés dans l'Europe ou se préparent à l'être, c'est aux contrées plus orientales qu'il nous revient d'ouvrir nos pages. Cette innovation modifie la typologie et le format des chapitres dont nos lecteurs sont familiers. Le nouveau Tableau de bord consacre en effet un premier volume à l'Europe centrale, balkanique et balte et continue de suivre l'évolution des pays qui faisaient l'essentiel des précédentes éditions, regroupés dans des ensembles à dimension régionale : les pays de l'Europe centrale (incluant la Slovénie) sont traités ensemble, de même que les Etats baltes et les pays des Balkans ayant rejoint l'Union européenne (Bulgarie et Roumanie). Un quatrième chapitre est consacré aux « Balkans occidentaux », et traite non seulement de la Croatie et de la Serbie, mais aussi – et c'est une autre innovation importante – de tous les pays de cette région jusqu'alors non présentés dans ces pages, à savoir l'Albanie, la Bosnie-Herzégovine, la Macédoine et le Monténégro. Le Kosovo, pour lequel on ne dispose pas de statistiques appropriées pour ce travail, n'y figure pas. Le deuxième volume est consacré aux pays de l'ex-Union soviétique, regroupés sous le vocable d'Eurasie. On y trouve ainsi la Russie et l'Ukraine, comme dans les précédentes éditions, et les autres Etats regroupés en quatre chapitres : le Bélarus et la Moldavie, les trois pays du Caucase du Sud, le Kazakhstan, isolé en raison de la dimension de son économie, et les quatre autres pays de l'Asie centrale. Cette nouvelle structure entraîne également, on le comprendra, des modifications dans la présentation des tableaux d'indicateurs.
Topic:
Markets, Political Economy, Politics, Governance, Finance, and Regional Integration
Political Geography:
Eastern Europe, Poland, Lithuania, Estonia, Serbia, Bulgaria, Romania, Macedonia, Hungary, Albania, Croatia, Latvia, Montenegro, Czech Republic, Central Europe, Slovenia, Slovakia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina

7. The New Slovak Language Law: Internal or External Politics?

Author:
Farimah Daftary and Kinga Gál
Publication Date:
09-2000
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI)
Abstract:
In Central and Eastern Europe, where language is the central defining element of the ethnic group, language policy becomes the cornerstone of constructing the identity of new states. In the multiethnic state or plural democratic state, policies aimed at promoting the language of the titular nation become the primary means of validating the moral worth of one ethnic group over the others. The example of independent Slovakia illustrates the political importance of language in Central and Eastern Europe and the virulence of the conflicts which arise between majorities and minorities over language issues. The continuous disputes between the Slovak leadership and the Hungarian minority over minority issues in general, and language-related issues specifically, have shown how sensitive language demands are during the early phases of state-building. In Slovakia, where the emphasis was on the ethnic rather than the civic dimension of nationhood, language policy served a twofold purpose: by giving the Slovak language a dominant position in the state, it sought to foster Slovak ethnic identity as the identity of the Slovak nation-state; and it was at the same time a method for promoting the assimilation of non-ethnic Slovak citizens. In reality, anti-minority policies in Slovakia (or policies perceived as such) fell within a broader set of anti-opposition policies as the State attempted to extend control and establish moral monopoly over not only language but also the fields of culture, education, economy, etc.
Topic:
Development, Government, and Politics
Political Geography:
Eastern Europe and Slovakia

8. The Break-Up of Czechoslovakia: The Impact of Party Development on the Separation of the State

Author:
Abby Innes
Publication Date:
01-1996
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies, Harvard University
Abstract:
When Czechoslovakia separated into two independent republics on January 1, 1993, it was hailed as the "velvet divorce." Relief that a European "ethnic" conflict had been resolved without physical aggression was apparently so deep as to have blunted curiosity about the real issues underlying the conflict. This paper looks back into the file and, in particular, explores the impact of party political developments on efforts to mediate some form of constitutional compromise. The analysis is not intended as an account of the separation (which would necessarily delve deep into historical, cultural, and economic questions). The more specific aim is to consider the issues and institutional pressures that dominated party development between 1989 and 1993, and to evaluate their contribution to the split. The article concludes that the profoundly unpopular decision to separate the country emanated from irreconcilable views on the correct "transition" path rather than a deeply rooted nationalism on either side. Moreover, both Czech and Slovak electorates were, to a striking degree, "held hostage" to party choices of economic policy and a common state, presented as mutually exclusive possibilities.
Topic:
Politics, Ethnicity, Political Parties, and Post-Communism
Political Geography:
Eastern Europe, Czech Republic, Slovakia, and Czechoslovakia