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41. Beyond the Asterisk Agreement

Author:
Pasqualina Lepore
Publication Date:
07-2012
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Istituto Affari Internazionali
Abstract:
In the context of the ongoing EU-mediated dialogue, Serbia and Kosovo have reached several agreements, the most important of which being that on regional representation and cooperation. Also known as the “asterisk agreement”, the agreement reached in February 2012 allows Kosovo to represent itself at all regional meetings with the nameplate of “Kosovo*”. While widely appreciated by the international community, it has generated divergent interpretations in Belgrade and Pristina and has provoked turmoil in both countries. On the whole, the agreement has enhanced Kosovo's and Serbia's path towards the EU, with the mandate for a feasibility study for the former and EU candidacy for the latter being achieved. However, the agreement has not addressed the key bones of contention between the parties, namely North Kosovo and Pristina's status. As a result, the situation remains unsustainable and a more comprehensive solution needs to be found.
Topic:
Conflict Resolution, Diplomacy, and Treaties and Agreements
Political Geography:
Europe, Kosovo, Serbia, and Balkans

42. The Tensions between Serbia and Kosovo - A Major Generator of Instability in the Region

Author:
Petyo Valkov
Publication Date:
09-2012
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Institute for Security and International Studies (ISIS)
Abstract:
In March 2007, after seven years of Kosovo being a United Nations protectorate, the UN Special Envoy Martti Ahtisaari proposed independence. The United States supported this proposal but Russia categorically did not, nor, of course, did Serbia. The United States proposed a three-part plan to stabilize an independent Kosovo. First, all high government posts would be distributed based on religion and ethnicity, second, a new Constitution must specifically safeguard the rights of the Serbian minority and, third, a substantial peacekeeping force must be in place to protect the Serbs and the minorities. Notwithstanding the seven years of the UN protectorate, hundreds of Orthodox Christian churches have been destroyed and thousands of Serbs have left Kosovo. For example, before the UN took over there were 40,000 Serbs living in Priština compared with about a hundred today. In 1971 Kosovo was 75% Muslim compared to at least 92% today
Topic:
International Affairs and Political and institutional effectiveness
Political Geography:
Kosovo and Serbia

43. Serbia's New President Eyes EU Membership

Author:
Alex Cooper
Publication Date:
07-2012
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
The Diplomatic Courier
Abstract:
The new Serbian president, Tomislav Nikolic, has been making waves in the international community since winning the May 20th run-off election against incumbent Boris Tadic. Since Nikolic and his center-right Serbian Progressive party and its allies won 73 out of 250 seats in the National Assembly, Nikolic has been making some controvsial statements regarding some of Serbia’s neighbors. Nikolic won with 50.21 percent of the vote, while Tadic won 46.77 percent. The shocking statements from Nikolic began with an interview the president did before the second round of elections on May 6th with the German daily Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung. In the interview, Nickolic stated that a “greater Serbia was his unrealized dream” and “Vukovar was a Serbian town in which Croats should not return.” The Croatian President, Ivo Josipovic and other officials have spoken out against Nikolic’s comments. Josipovic and other leaders from the Balkans did not attend Nikolic’s inauguration due to the comments, and the Croatian president cancelled a trip to Belgrade that was supposed to take place at the end of June. During the war following Croatia’s claim to independence from Yugoslavia, Vukovar experienced severe damage from the Yugoslav army that was led by Serbs. After Vukovar fell to the Yugoslav army, over 200 Croats were killed. Many Croatians still view Vukovar's story as a difficult topic. This was the only controversial statement from Nikolic. He recently told Montenegrin state television, “There was no genocide in Srebrenica.” The International Court of Justice and the UN war crimes tribunal have both ruled the massacre of over 7,000 Muslim men and boys in 1995 as genocide. The massacre is the worst atrocity to occur in Europe since World War II. The international community has condemned the remarks by Nikolic. A spokesperson for the European Commission, Pia Ahrenkilde Hansen, said that the comments were “attempts to rewrite history.” Hansen also said, “The atrocities in Srebrenica in July 1995 were a crime against all humankind, and we should never forget it, and we should never allow it to happen again.” On June 14th, the Associated Press reported that EU officials would discuss Nikolic’s recent comments with the new president. While meeting in Brussels, Nikolic attempted to show that Serbia was prepared for EU membership. He claimed, “There is not better future for Serbia than membership in the Union.”
Topic:
International Cooperation, European Union, and Economic Cooperation
Political Geography:
Europe and Serbia

44. Serbo-Croat Relations: Addressing Injustice

Author:
Jelena Obradovic-Wochnik
Publication Date:
06-2011
Content Type:
Journal Article
Institution:
Chatham House
Abstract:
On August 4, 1995, Croatian troops launched Operation Storm, a military action to gain control of the land occupied by Serb forces. The operation displaced some 200,000 Serbs from Croatia's Krajina region, but concluded the Croatian war, which started in 1991. Serbian public opinion has long maintained that this event constitutes genocide, and Storm became symbolic in Serbian politics, being held up as an emblem of perceived injustices against Serbs.
Political Geography:
Serbia

45. Nevra Necipoglu, Byzantium Between the Ottomans and the Latins: Politics and Society in the Late Empire

Author:
John Haldon
Publication Date:
04-2011
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Insight Turkey
Institution:
SETA Foundation for Political, Economic and Social Research
Abstract:
This volume is a welcome contribution to the study of the last centuries of the existence of the Byzantine state, the 'empire' that until its demise in 1453 had dominated the Bosphorus and the link between Europe and Asia Minor, even though its political authority was minimal from the early years of the 14th century. Yet authority and legitimacy aside (for the Byzantines always saw themselves as the legitimate heirs to the Roman empire) it exercised both a fascination for those around it as well as an having an importance and, until quite late on, an influence far in excess of its actual military or economic power. Necipoğlu's book focuses on the politics of the empire, more particularly on the ways in which different groups within the empire adopted, fought for, or abandoned particular views of their situation within Byzantine society and in the wider world, and more particularly in the context of the influence, cultural, military and economic, of the regional powers around it. The empire's Latin neighbors in the southern Balkans on the one hand, along with the central Balkan powers of Serbia and Bulgaria (albeit minimally for the period in question), and the rising Ottoman power in Asia Minor and then Thrace on the other hand, frame this portrait, and the chronology is set by the last almost-century of the empire's existence, from the 1360s and 1370s to the 1450s. But the author's real interest is not foreign relations or military events, but rather the ideological, one might even say psychological, make-up of the various groups and factions within Byzantium, especially in Constantinople, Thessaloniki and in the southern Peloponnese, which can be detected in the sources of the period.
Political Geography:
Europe, Asia, Serbia, Bulgaria, and Balkans

46. Turkish Foreign Policy in the Balkans and "Neo-Ottomanism": A Personal Account

Author:
Hajrudin Somun
Publication Date:
07-2011
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Insight Turkey
Institution:
SETA Foundation for Political, Economic and Social Research
Abstract:
This essay examines the influence and performance as well as the perception of the new, pro-active Turkish foreign policy in South-East Europe. It emphasizes that certain political and intellectual circles in the Balkans have a different take on Turkey's policies in the region. The paper assesses how Turkey's activism in the Balkans has revived the debate on the Ottoman legacy in the region and Turkey's perceived aspirations to renew its influence under the guise of “neo-Ottomanism.” This paper will also address the impact in this debate caused by the recent book of the well-known Serbian orientalist, Darko Tanaskovic, entitled “Neo-Ottomanism – the Return of Turkey to the Balkans.”
Topic:
Foreign Policy
Political Geography:
Europe, Turkey, Serbia, and Balkans

47. The EEAS and the Western Balkans

Author:
Eva Gross and Alessandro Rotta
Publication Date:
06-2011
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Istituto Affari Internazionali
Abstract:
This paper analyzes the performance of the EEAS in the Western Balkans to date. It identifies political deadlocks, particularly over Kosovo's status, and the weakening pull of EU membership as a catalyst for reform as the main challenges the EU must address. The paper argues that the EU's first tangible success was the initiation of the Belgrade-Pristina dialogue. In order to maintain the positive momentum this has generated, the EU must improve the coherence between its political and operational instruments, thus increasing its collective political impact vis-à-vis local but also international stakeholders. The authors make three suggestions for maximizing the future impact of the EEAS: continue to invest in political leadership on the part of the HR/VP; connect the EU's global strategic work with regional and local political challenges in order to improve its coordination with its strategic partners; and work to improve the political and operational links between Brussels and the field.
Topic:
Conflict Resolution and Regional Cooperation
Political Geography:
Europe, Kosovo, Serbia, and Balkans

48. The Field of the Blackbirds and the Battle for Europe

Author:
Anna Di Lellio
Publication Date:
08-2011
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
The New School Graduate Program in International Affairs
Abstract:
Serbia, Kosovo, and Turkey, all European Union applicants, recognize that the possibility of European belonging as historical reality is a crucial attribute for acceptance. These countries have all built national stories rooted in the Medieval Ottoman conquest of the Western Balkans and distanced themselves from the “Orient” and from Islam. By doing so, they have engaged in a debate with a “thick,” rather than a “thin” conception of Europe; they have tried to measure up to Europe as a traditional community of values defined by its Christian character, rather than the dynamic cosmopolitan Europe of law and standards which is officially embodied by the Union. Paradoxically, the revival of these national memories not only anchors a particular configuration of national time and space for Serbs, Albanians, and Turks. It mirrors a concern with identity, very present at the core of Europe, which is often resolved through the affirmation of an allegedly authentic and coherent European Christian tradition.
Topic:
International Relations, Nationalism, Religion, and History
Political Geography:
Europe, Central Asia, Turkey, Kosovo, Serbia, and Balkans

49. Tableau de bord des pays d'Europe centrale et orientale et d'Eurasie 2011 (Volume 1)

Author:
Jean-Pierre Pagé, Jacques Rupnik, Edith Lhomel, and Catherine Samary
Publication Date:
12-2011
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Centre d'Etudes et de Recherches Internationales
Abstract:
Pour sa quinzième édition (le premier volume est paru en 1997 !), le Tableau de Bord fait peau neuve et ouvre ses pages à des pays qu'il ignorait jusqu'à présent : signe des temps, alors que les pays d'Europe centrale et orientale sont tous intégrés dans l'Europe ou se préparent à l'être, c'est aux contrées plus orientales qu'il nous revient d'ouvrir nos pages. Cette innovation modifie la typologie et le format des chapitres dont nos lecteurs sont familiers. Le nouveau Tableau de bord consacre en effet un premier volume à l'Europe centrale, balkanique et balte et continue de suivre l'évolution des pays qui faisaient l'essentiel des précédentes éditions, regroupés dans des ensembles à dimension régionale : les pays de l'Europe centrale (incluant la Slovénie) sont traités ensemble, de même que les Etats baltes et les pays des Balkans ayant rejoint l'Union européenne (Bulgarie et Roumanie). Un quatrième chapitre est consacré aux « Balkans occidentaux », et traite non seulement de la Croatie et de la Serbie, mais aussi – et c'est une autre innovation importante – de tous les pays de cette région jusqu'alors non présentés dans ces pages, à savoir l'Albanie, la Bosnie-Herzégovine, la Macédoine et le Monténégro. Le Kosovo, pour lequel on ne dispose pas de statistiques appropriées pour ce travail, n'y figure pas. Le deuxième volume est consacré aux pays de l'ex-Union soviétique, regroupés sous le vocable d'Eurasie. On y trouve ainsi la Russie et l'Ukraine, comme dans les précédentes éditions, et les autres Etats regroupés en quatre chapitres : le Bélarus et la Moldavie, les trois pays du Caucase du Sud, le Kazakhstan, isolé en raison de la dimension de son économie, et les quatre autres pays de l'Asie centrale. Cette nouvelle structure entraîne également, on le comprendra, des modifications dans la présentation des tableaux d'indicateurs.
Topic:
Markets, Political Economy, Politics, Governance, Finance, and Regional Integration
Political Geography:
Eastern Europe, Poland, Lithuania, Estonia, Serbia, Bulgaria, Romania, Macedonia, Hungary, Albania, Croatia, Latvia, Montenegro, Czech Republic, Central Europe, Slovenia, Slovakia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina

50. Kosovo and Serbia after the ICJ Opinion

Publication Date:
08-2010
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
International Crisis Group
Abstract:
In the wake of the July 2010 International Court of Justice (ICJ) advisory opinion on the legality of Kosovo's declaration of independence, Kosovo and Serbia have an opportunity to resolve differences, establish bilateral relations and unblock their paths to greater European Union (EU) integration. The obstacles are formidable, including mutual suspicion, incompatible agendas and uncertainties about the true goals of each. Failure to negotiate in the next months would probably freeze the conflict for several years, as the parties entered electoral cycles, during which the dispute would likely be used to mobilise nationalist opinion and deflect criticism of domestic corruption and government failures. Enough has changed recently, especially the development of more realistic if not yet fully public attitudes in Belgrade and Pristina, to suggest a win-win solution is possible. Without preconditions and facilitated in particular by the EU, Kosovo and Serbia should promptly open talks with the aim of reaching as comprehensive a compromise settlement as possible.
Topic:
Treaties and Agreements and Bilateral Relations
Political Geography:
Europe, Kosovo, Serbia, Balkans, and Southern Serbia