Search

Begin New Search Political Geography Peru

21. The Force of the Police: An Analysis of Police Violence Based on Experience in the United States and the Imperative to Restore Legitimacy

Author:
Robert Cornelli
Publication Date:
12-2022
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
The International Center for Transitional Justice (ICTJ)
Abstract:
Egon Bittner, an early scholar of policing, noted that one of the peculiarities of the institution of the police is that it swings into action in response to “something that ought not to be happening and about which someone had better do something now.” The situations in which the police are called on to act are often emergencies, and it is at junctures such as these that, paradoxically, police officers sometimes take actions that ought not to happen. This is precisely what occurred in Minneapolis, Minnesota on May 25, 2020, when George Floyd, a 46-year-old Black man, was stopped by the police and subsequently killed by an officer who knelt on his neck for over nine minutes, ignoring his frequent pleas for help. The words he spoke as he suffocated under the officer’s knee—"I can’t breathe”—became an instant rallying cry for the protest movement that started in Minneapolis and quickly reverberated throughout the United States and the world. Floyd’s death reignited existing anger over American society’s deep and festering racial wounds. The litany of historical abuses in the United States is indeed long. His death also triggered significant social uprisings that have challenged the methods of policing that have emerged over the course of several decades. These uprisings have attributed greater responsibility to the police than in the past, for their perpetuation of stereotypes and discrimination. The time for an in-depth rethinking of the legitimacy of law enforcement bodies in the United States is ripe, and not only as a result of the new political approach ushered in by President Joe Biden and the greater awareness of police brutality triggered by demands of the Black Lives Matter movement.
Topic:
Law Enforcement, Reform, Criminal Justice, Memory, Institutions, Police, Truth, Violence Prevention, and Youth Engagement
Political Geography:
Colombia, South America, North America, Peru, Guatemala, and United States of America

22. What difference do schools make? A mixed methods study in secondary schools in Peru

Author:
Juan Leon, Gabriela Guerrero, Santiago Cueto, and Paul Glewwe
Publication Date:
05-2021
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Group for the Analysis of Development (GRADE)
Abstract:
This study contributes to the scarce literature on school effectiveness in secondary education in Peru by addressing the following questions: i) which educational processes within schools are most influential in math and reading comprehension? and in the case of the most effective schools, ii) what is the importance that principals, teachers, and students place on school processes variables in explaining educational outcomes? We use a mixed-method design that follows a sequential explanatory design. Our results point out the relevance of school process variables at the school level. Therefore, educational programs carried out by local and national governments should pay more attention to the dynamics within the school to mitigate the educational inequalities, equalizing upwards the opportunities for children in impoverished public schools.
Topic:
Education, Children, Inequality, and Public Sector
Political Geography:
Peru

23. Gender and Extractive Governance: Lessons from Existing Legal and Policy Frameworks

Author:
Aubrey Menard and Elizabeth Moses
Publication Date:
07-2021
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Natural Resource Governance Institute
Abstract:
Greater gender equality accompanies economic advancement. However, in countries rich in oil, gas and minerals, economic advancement has not served women and gender minorities as well as men. On the contrary, gender inequality is more pronounced in countries significantly reliant on the extractive sector. The negative impacts of overreliance on the extractive sector appear at both the national level and the sites of major extraction projects. While the gendered issues related to the extractive sector have been broadly acknowledged, efforts to address them are not well developed. This report focuses on gender and governance of the extractive industries, and is part of the larger Gender and Extractives project, funded by the Open Government Partnership (OGP) and the World Bank Multi-Donor Trust Fund, and executed by the Natural Resource Governance Institute (NRGI) in partnership with the World Resources Institute (WRI). It aims to inform a new generation of gendered OGP commitments in relation to the extractive sector, building on the momentum created by the Break the Roles campaign and the growth in attention now paid to advancing gender equality in the extractive sector. The research examined the legal and policy frameworks in 12 OGP countries: Argentina, Canada, Colombia, Ghana, Indonesia, Kenya, Morocco, Mongolia, Nigeria, Peru, Sierra Leone and Tunisia, identifying 62 laws, policies, regulations, guidelines and other official documents that referenced the extractive sector and gender or women.
Topic:
Economics, Gender Issues, Oil, Natural Resources, Governance, and Gas
Political Geography:
Kenya, Indonesia, Canada, Mongolia, Argentina, Colombia, Sierra Leone, Nigeria, Morocco, Tunisia, Peru, and Ghana

24. 2021 Resource Governance Index

Author:
Natural Resource Governance Institute
Publication Date:
12-2021
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Natural Resource Governance Institute
Abstract:
Decisions about how the oil, gas and mining sectors are governed determine the wellbeing of the billion people living in poverty in resource-rich countries. Where policies and practices ensure informed, inclusive and accountable decision making, natural resources can enable fair, prosperous and sustainable societies, rather than undermine them. The climate crisis, the coronavirus pandemic and dramatic changes in global energy markets have increased the stakes of good governance. Complex decisions about how to enable the political and economic adaptations necessary for a managed phaseout of fossil fuels and responsible increase in production of transition minerals sit at the heart of this dual crisis. Governance of the oil, gas and mining sectors will play a central role in the transition away from fossil fuels and the return to progress against poverty. The Natural Resource Governance Institute (NRGI) produces the Resource Governance Index (RGI) as a diagnostic tool to measure the governance of oil, gas, and mining sectors in select countries and to highlight opportunities for policy and practice reforms at the global, regional and country levels. The 2021 RGI assesses the governance of extractive sectors in 18 countries, including both established mineral and hydrocarbon producers, as well as new and prospective entrants to natural resource production.
Topic:
Oil, Natural Resources, Governance, Gas, Mining, Sustainability, and Inclusion
Political Geography:
Uganda, Africa, Central Asia, Middle East, Mongolia, Colombia, South America, Azerbaijan, Lebanon, Tanzania, Mexico, Senegal, Nigeria, Morocco, Qatar, Tunisia, Peru, Ghana, Guinea, Guyana, and Democratic Republic of Congo

25. Alive in the Demand for Change: Transitional Justice and Prevention in Peru

Author:
Julie Guillerot
Publication Date:
07-2021
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
The International Center for Transitional Justice (ICTJ)
Abstract:
From 1980 to 2000, Peru experienced both a violent internal violent conflict and political authoritarianism. In the two decades since, the country has implemented a wide range of transitional justice processes, including elements of truth, criminal justice, reparations, and institutional reforms directed at guaranteeing nonrecurrence. This study reflects on the preventive impact of those processes. It pays specific attention to the factors that facilitated the conflict and help explains its differentiated impact on victims and affected communities. The Peruvian Truth and Reconciliation Commission (CVR) revealed significant and longstanding socioeconomic, geographic, and educational divisions within Peruvian society that both caused the political violence and were reinforced by it. It painted a picture of victims as socially and economically excluded and placed the political violence within the context of almost two hundred years of domination, marginalization, and oppression of members of the Andean and native populations. In order to mend these human rights violations and social fractures, the CVR recommended truth, justice, reparations, and guarantees of nonrecurrence. The study contends that there is a before and after the CVR. Policies that contribute to preventing the recurrence of widespread political violence and abuses have been developed that would not have been possible without the existence of the CVR. There are also signs that the CVR’s narrative has penetrated a broader stratum of the population and political class, and that transitional justice has had a positive impact on society’s internal and external control of institutions. The broader democratic transition in Peru, however, never truly attempted to create a pluralist society based on a new social pact that included all Peruvians in the benefits and obligations of citizenship. In the absence of broader cultural or attitudinal institutional transformations, advances linked to transitional justice ultimately depend on the benevolent will of government officials and on persistent advocacy from victims’ groups and human rights organizations. The process of change remains unfinished.
Topic:
Reform, Criminal Justice, Memory, Institutions, Reparations, and Truth and Reconciliation
Political Geography:
South America and Peru

26. Transitional Justice and Prevention: Summary Findings from Five Country Case Studies

Author:
Roger Duthie
Publication Date:
06-2021
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
The International Center for Transitional Justice (ICTJ)
Abstract:
This report summarizes the findings of an ICTJ research project exploring the role that transitional justice can play in preventing both massive and serious violations of human rights as well as violence and violent conflict more broadly. Its conclusions are drawn from case studies of five countries—Colombia, Morocco, Peru, the Philippines, and Sierra Leone—representing a range of complex contexts in which societies are grappling with violent conflicts, repressive governments, or acute inequality. It argues that transitional justice should be an integral element of conflict prevention, peacebuilding, and sustainable development. The report contends that transitional justice can contribute to prevention by: (1) addressing the exclusion and other harms that victims experience due to human rights violations they suffered; (2) addressing the exclusion and related injustices that communities and social groups face as a result of targeted violations and structural marginalization; (3) strengthening the rule of law and making it more inclusive; and (4) catalyzing the reform of institutions and laws that have perpetuated violence and discrimination as a means to exclude marginalized groups. The report also identifies a number of limitations to the preventive impact of transitional justice, including: (1) tensions that can exist between justice and prevention initiatives, especially in the short term; (2) justice processes that may be seen to be insufficiently participatory or even exclusionary themselves; (3) a lack of implementation of measures and reforms that are designed or recommended; and (4) contextual factors such political dynamics, security concerns, and the absence of broader structural change. The report concludes that applying a prevention lens to transitional justice does not fundamentally change how the field is understood, but it does have broad policy implications. First, fostering inclusion should be a primary objective of both the outcomes and the design of transitional justice mechanisms. Second, assessing the preventive role of transitional justice requires a long-term approach to inclusion and reform as these involve changes to social relationships, institutions, and structures. Third, prevention requires a society to confront both the root causes and consequences of injustice, and transitional justice processes can contribute greatly in this regard. However, they alone are not enough.
Topic:
Reform, Transitional Justice, Criminal Justice, Memory, Institutions, Reparations, and Truth and Reconciliation
Political Geography:
Africa, Middle East, Asia, South America, North Africa, North America, Sierra Leone, Morocco, Peru, and Oceania

27. Political Instability and Demonstration Trends in Peru

Author:
Bhavani Castro and Juan Esteban Mosquera
Publication Date:
04-2021
Content Type:
Commentary and Analysis
Institution:
Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED)
Abstract:
In recent years, Peru has been through multiple political crises, earning a reputation in Latin America for its unstable politics. Now the country is approaching the first round of a presidential election scheduled for 11 April 2021 and, with 18 candidates running for the position, the latest polls indicate an uncertain outcome. Five candidates are tied and a quarter of the electorate remains undecided on who to vote for (El País, 4 April 2021). This report reviews demonstration trends in Peru from 2018 to 2021. ACLED data show that increased political instability led to a significant spike in the number of demonstration events in 2020 (see figure below). The population’s growing dissatisfaction with enduring government corruption and an economic crisis exacerbated by the coronavirus pandemic have contributed to the rise in demonstrations. Demonstrations involving farmers have likewise increased during the pandemic period in response to legislation that they view as adversely affecting their business. The outcome of the presidential election will impact the trajectory of these trends in the coming years.
Topic:
Elections, Demonstrations, Civil Unrest, and Instability
Political Geography:
South America and Peru

28. Manufacturing Moral Panic: Weaponizing Children to Undermine Gender Justice and Human Rights

Author:
Juliana Martínez, Ángela Duarte, and María Juliana Rojas
Publication Date:
03-2021
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Elevate Children Funders Group
Abstract:
This research explores how gender-restrictive groups are using child protection rhetoric to manufacture moral panic and mobilize against human rights, and how this strengthens the illiberal politics currently undermining democracies. The report’s comparative analysis of three country case studies (Bulgaria, Ghana, and Perú) underscores recurring strategies, narratives, and actors and gives insight into how gender-restrictive groups collaborate and engage in coalitional work across the globe. This significant new research includes important findings and recommendations for funders.
Topic:
Human Rights, Children, LGBT+, Gender Minorities, and Gender
Political Geography:
Bulgaria, Peru, and Ghana

29. Case Study 1. Peru: How Gender-Restrictive Groups May Lose the Legal Battle, but Win the Communications and Cultural War

Author:
Juliana Martínez, Ángela Duarte, and María Juliana Rojas
Publication Date:
03-2021
Content Type:
Case Study
Institution:
Elevate Children Funders Group
Abstract:
Peru is the birthplace of one of Latin America’s strongest transnational gender-restrictive movements. Understanding its sociocultural and political context sheds light on the operation of gender-restrictive groups and the rise of neoconservative politics in the region. Lima is geopolitically and strategically important because it hosts the headquarters for various gender-restrictive organizations in the region, including Ceprofarena, the Office for Latin America of the Population Research Institute, Latin American Alliance for the Family, Opus Dei, and Sodalicio de la Vida Cristiana (interview with George Hale, 2020). Therefore, many strategies that instrumentalize children32 to manufacture moral panic and oppose “gender ideology” in countries such as Colombia, Argentina, Mexico, and Chile are oftentimes planned or tested in Peru, or implemented in the country after their success elsewhere. Concretely, the Don’t Mess With My Kids (DMWMK) movement33 in Peru is representative of how genderrestrictive groups instrumentalize children to threaten children’s rights, along with gender-justice, in a country with disturbing evidence of gender-based violence and intense sexism. The Peruvian case also illuminates the ways in which gender-restrictive groups identify key battlefields related to women’s and children’s issues—such as Comprehensive Sexuality Education—that they use as a toehold to advance gender-restrictive initiatives in many policy areas and at several political levels.
Topic:
Human Rights, Children, LGBT+, Gender Minorities, and Gender
Political Geography:
South America and Peru

30. Impact of COVID-19 in Peru: Unpredictability, inefficiency and institutional crisis/Impacto del COVID-19 en Perú: Imprevisión, ineficiencia y crisis institucional

Author:
Paz Milet and Gabriela Bravo
Publication Date:
05-2021
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Revista UNISCI/UNISCI Journal
Institution:
Unidad de investigación sobre seguridad y cooperación (UNISCI)
Abstract:
This article addresses the degree of institutional preparedness of Peru to deal with the effects of the pandemic COVID-19. It is argued that the country was not in the best condition to face this health phenomenon, in a context of institutional weakness, economic stagnation and the inability to overcome some of its historical and permanent structural deficiencies. Despite the political efforts made and the measures adopted, all these have failed to have a positive impact on the population due to the structural fragility of the health system. In addition, Peru had to face an internal political crisis that negatively affected the strategic direction of the pandemic. The armed forces have played a limited role essentially reduced to logistical support. All in all, a dissociation between restrictive policies and the results obtained have been identified, due to structural deficiencies. of the health system to cope with the pandemic./El presente artículo aborda el grado de preparación institucional del Perú para enfrentar los efectos de la pandemia conocida como COVID-19. Se plantea que el país no estaba en la mejor condición para hacer frente a este fenómeno sanitario, en un contexto de debilidad institucional, estancamiento económico y con la incapacidad de superar algunas de sus deficiencias estructurales históricas y permanentes. Pese a los esfuerzos políticos desarrollados y las medidas adoptadas, estas no han logrado tener un impacto positivo en la población por la fragilidad estructural del sistema de salud. Adicionalmente, el Perú ha debido enfrentar una crisis política interna que ha afectado negativamente el direccionamiento estratégico de la pandemia en que las fuerzas armadas han tenido un papel limitado a capacidades logísticas. Con todo, se identifica una disociación entre las políticas restrictivas y los resultados obtenidos, producto de la incapacidad de las deficiencias estructurales.
Topic:
Fragile States, Institutions, COVID-19, and Political Crisis
Political Geography:
Latin America and Peru