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2. The New Rules of the Game: Unfolding the targeting of an Israeli oil tanker in the Arabian Sea
- Author:
- FARAS
- Publication Date:
- 08-2021
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- Future for Advanced Research and Studies (FARAS)
- Abstract:
- On Friday, July 30, Iran targeted the Mercer Street oil tanker in the Northern Arabian Sea off the Omani port of Duqm, which was on its way from Dar es Salaam in Tanzania to Fujairah in the UAE, killing two crew members: a British and a Romanian. The Israeli ship was attacked by one or more drones. The attack came in two waves. The first wave was the bombing of the tanker with missiles carried by a normal drone. As the damage was limited, a larger suicide attack was launched on the dormitories of the ship's crew, with the aim of causing casualties, which actually resulted in the deaths of a British and a Romanian. The oil tanker belongs to the London-based Zodiac Maritime company, which is part of the Zodiac company owned by Israeli businessman Eyal Ofer. This is the second attack within the month of July, as the first one took place on July 3, targeting Csav Tyndall, which is also owned by Eyal Ofer.
- Topic:
- Oil, Conflict, Crisis Management, and Trade
- Political Geography:
- Iran, Middle East, Israel, and Persian Gulf
3. Omani perspectives on the peace process in Yemen
- Author:
- Abdullah Baabood
- Publication Date:
- 06-2021
- Content Type:
- Special Report
- Institution:
- Berghof Foundation
- Abstract:
- Oman has played an important role in supporting mediation efforts since the conflict in Yemen began. The country’s amicable relations with Saudi Arabia, Ansar Allah, Iran, and other Yemeni and international conflict stakeholders has allowed it to facilitate negotiations in a manner few other countries are able or willing to realise. This comes in the context of Oman’s established history of attempting to bring conflicting parties from its immediate western neighbour to the table at critical junctures. These efforts were again reactivated in early 2021 with the facilitation of talks between belligerents in the current conflict and international representatives in Muscat.
- Topic:
- Regional Cooperation, Conflict, Peace, and Mediation
- Political Geography:
- Yemen, Saudi Arabia, Oman, and Persian Gulf
4. Israel and the Persian Gulf: A Source of Security or Conflict?
- Author:
- Steven Simon
- Publication Date:
- 06-2021
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft
- Abstract:
- • In the current geopolitical context, the Abraham Accords, which normalized Israel’s relations with the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain during the final months of the Trump administration, could prove destabilizing by lowering the bar for Israeli military action against Iran.1 • The destabilizing potential of the Abraham Accords will increase if talks to revive the Iran nuclear agreement collapse. This, in turn, suggests that revival of the accord, the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, remains important for U.S. security and regional stability. • By securing the JCPOA and supporting diplomacy between Iran and Saudi Arabia, the U.S. maximizes the viability and utility of the Abraham Accords as well as their compatibility with a new and more inclusive regional security architecture. But supporting only the Abraham Accords without reentering the JCPOA and encouraging multilateral dialogue among the Arab Gulf states and Iran could transform the accords from a potential strategic asset to a liability.
- Topic:
- Security, Diplomacy, Geopolitics, Conflict, and Regional Integration
- Political Geography:
- Middle East, Israel, Palestine, and Persian Gulf
5. The Blockade of Qatar
- Author:
- Richard W Murphy
- Publication Date:
- 09-2017
- Content Type:
- Journal Article
- Journal:
- The Ambassadors Review
- Institution:
- Council of American Ambassadors
- Abstract:
- Accusing Qatar of supporting Islamic militants and Iran, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Bahrain abruptly announced in June a travel blockade on Qatar. They tabled 13 demands for their fellow member state in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) to fulfill before the blockade would be lifted. Egypt, which is particularly sensitive to Qatar’s hosting of Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood personalities critical of the Sisi regime, joined in this action. Qatar has protested that the demands constitute an unacceptable infringement on its sovereignty. It has offered to discuss the demands but has been told that the demands are non-negotiable. The blockade adds a further complication for American policymakers dealing with current Middle Eastern power struggles. The initiative for blockading Qatar appears to have been led by Saudi Arabia and the UAE. Bahrain joined, but Oman has steered clear of the controversy, perhaps partly because of its appreciation of Iranian support in earlier decades for the Sultan’s leadership against rebel Omani forces. Kuwait has sought to mediate the dispute but lacks the weight to alter Saudi and Emirati policies.
- Topic:
- Regional Cooperation, Terrorism, Military Strategy, Violent Extremism, and Conflict
- Political Geography:
- Middle East, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Persian Gulf, and UAE
6. Accountability Review in Yemen: Humanitarian assistance and resilience building
- Author:
- Faiza Hesham Hael
- Publication Date:
- 03-2017
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- Oxfam Publishing
- Abstract:
- This accountability review is presented as part of the Effectiveness Review Series 2014/15. The report documents the findings from a review carried out in December 2014 which examines the degree to which Oxfam meets its own standards for accountability. The project ’Humanitarian Assistance and Resilience Building in Western Yemen’ is a two-year project supporting vulnerable communities in Al-Hodeidah and Hajjah governorates. Oxfam and its partners aim to build resilience and provide humanitarian assistance to men, women and children, contributing to reducing the impact of chronic poverty, natural hazards and conflict. This assignment examined accountability to partners and communities in terms of transparency, feedback/listening and participation – three key dimensions of Accountability for Oxfam. In addition it asked questions around partnership practices, staff attitudes, and satisfaction (how useful the project is to people and how wisely the money on this project has been spent) where appropriate.
- Topic:
- Poverty, Governance, Conflict, and Humanitarian Crisis
- Political Geography:
- Yemen and Persian Gulf
7. Yemen on the Brink of Famine: Forging a pathway to peace. Oxfam Fair Share Analysis April 2017
- Author:
- Larissa Alles
- Publication Date:
- 04-2017
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- Oxfam Publishing
- Abstract:
- The number of people in need as a result of Yemen’s conflict continues to rise, but the international aid response has failed to keep up. International donors should immediately commit to fully funding the Yemen Humanitarian Response Plan. As the tables in this briefing show, some donor governments are pulling their weight, while others are not. Aid alone, however, cannot solve Yemen’s crisis or put the country back on its feet. All sides and their international backers should stop the de-facto blockade and the conflict that are pushing Yemen towards famine.
- Topic:
- Famine, Food Security, Conflict, and Humanitarian Crisis
- Political Geography:
- Middle East, Yemen, and Persian Gulf
8. From the Ground Up: Gender and conflict analysis in Yemen
- Author:
- Wolfgang Gressmann
- Publication Date:
- 10-2016
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- Oxfam Publishing
- Abstract:
- Conflicts and humanitarian crises affect men, women, girls, and boys differently due to their different societal roles and the deep-rooted socio-cultural and economic inequalities which become exacerbated during crises. Men and boys form the vast majority of direct victims of armed conflict and associated impacts like forced recruitment or arbitrary detention. Women bear the burdens of running the households under extreme stress and are often exposed to different forms of gender-based violence. During emergencies, women and girls become more vulnerable as basic services collapse and livelihoods diminish. In order to better understand the impact of armed conflict on men, women, boys, and girls, and the changes that have resulted in gender roles and relationships at household and community levels since the onset of conflict in March 2015, Oxfam, CARE and GenCap in Yemen collaborated to collect and analyse available data to further inform immediate humanitarian response as well as longer-term programming in Yemen.
- Topic:
- Gender Issues, Gender Based Violence, Conflict, and Humanitarian Crisis
- Political Geography:
- Middle East, Yemen, and Persian Gulf
9. War and the Oil Price Cycle
- Author:
- Amy Myers and Jaffe Jareer Elass
- Publication Date:
- 01-2016
- Content Type:
- Journal Article
- Journal:
- Journal of International Affairs
- Institution:
- School of International and Public Affairs, Columbia University
- Abstract:
- Oil has shaped international conflict for decades. According to one estimate, twenty-five to fifty percent of interstate wars between 1973 and 2012 had oil-related linkages. 1 But the cyclical nature of oil’s contribution to global conflict is not well understood. Not only are oil prices cyclical, but the geopolitics of oil are linked inexorably to the same boom and bust price cycle. Military adventurism, proxy wars and regional pathologies in the Middle East expand and contract with the ebb and flow of massive petrodollar accumulations related to the oil price cycle. The massive inflow of petrodollar revenues when oil prices are high creates disposable incomes that can be easily dispensed on regional arms races, especially since oil consuming countries like the United States are incentivized to increase arms sales as a means of solving oil import related trade deficits. Besides transferring wealth from industrialized countries to oil producers in the Middle East and North African (MENA) region and Russia (and stimulating renewed drilling for oil and gas in North America), high global oil and natural gas prices also slow global economic growth and encourage energy conservation. This causes petroleum demand to slow globally, lowering oil prices. Social and political problems in the region reemerge as oil prices recede. Regional governments have fewer resources to spend on restive populations that have become accustomed to generous handouts enabled by high oil prices. Job creation and visible social programs slow, dissatisfaction rises, and the consequences of economic downturns incite support for militants. Ensuing instability forces governments to use newly purchased arms, which ironically begins the cycle yet again, as new conflicts disrupt oil supplies. In this manner, the world experiences perpetuating patterns of military conflict, followed by oil supply crises, and accompanying global financial instability. In effect, the Middle East resource curse has become globalized. The challenges this is presenting on humanitarian, security and economic fronts have become increasingly dangerous. The arms race that has accompanied the rise of oil prices over the 2000s has been no exception and is now all the more complicated due to the violent participation of sub-national radicalized groups that are less susceptible to diplomatic pressures or initiatives. In this emerging geopolitical context, the rise of violent subnational groups like ISIS and Al-Qaeda are increasingly putting oil infrastructure at risk, laying the groundwork for a future oil crisis that may prove harder to solve than in the past. As borders and ruling institutions have become contested, so has control of the region’s major oil and gas facilities. Initially an outgrowth of disunity inside Iraq, the conflict over oil and gas facilities is now accelerating across ungoverned territories, with important long-term consequences for global energy markets. Mideast oil and gas production capacity, along with surface facilities, are increasingly being damaged in ways that will make them hard to repair. Export disruptions, which were once sporadic, are becoming a more permanent feature of the civil war landscape. The level of destroyed capacity is currently estimated at about 2 million b/d and rising.2 The longer Mideast conflicts fester, the more that infrastructure could become at risk. There is an additional element to this oil and war story that links structurally with the oil boom and bust cycle. As oil prices recede, along with a decreased demand for oil and accelerating regional conflict, wealthy oil producers such as Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, and Kuwait, are often tempted to use large oil production capacity as a strategic asset. They flood the market with increased supplies in order to lower prices, thereby hurting geopolitical rivals. This price war strategy, which was notably present during the prolonged Soviet war in Afghanistan and the eight year Iran-Iraq War, temporarily ameliorates the short run effects of war on surface export facilities through excessive production rates. In addition, it lays the seeds for the future uptick in the oil market, by discouraging investment in future oil productive capacity outside the Middle East when prices are extremely low. In the case of the 2000s, the destruction caused by ISIS on the oil sector in many locations around the Middle East, combined with expected losses in investment in other parts of the world (like Canada’s oil sands and the Arctic due to current low oil prices), may be creating the conditions for a future oil supply crunch. This has major implications on U.S. policy. This article asserts that the United State would be, in light of these circumstances in the Middle East, unwise to dismantle its Strategic Petroleum Reserve (SPR) as has been suggested on Capitol Hill. It would be similarly unwise for the United States to lose focus on the importance of conservation efforts in the transportation sector which has both national security and climate benefits. The United States would benefit strategically from a reevaluation of its ban on oil exports. Finally, the United States should place a greater emphasis on conflict resolution in troubled states. By resolving internal conflicts over the distribution of oil revenues, the United States can better pave the way for long-term solutions whereby those same revenues can be integrated into national budgets in ways that brings economic prosperity to populations instead of rising military expenditure.
- Topic:
- Energy Policy, Oil, Military Strategy, Gas, and Conflict
- Political Geography:
- United States, Middle East, North America, and Persian Gulf
10. Power Struggle in the Gulf: A Re-evaluation of the IranIraq War
- Author:
- Ferhat Pirinçci
- Publication Date:
- 04-2015
- Content Type:
- Journal Article
- Journal:
- Journal of Academic Inquiries
- Institution:
- Sakarya University (SAU)
- Abstract:
- This article aims to analyze the power struggle in the Persian Gulf towards the end of the Cold War from a different perspective. The withdrawal of Britain from the region created a power vacuum and this caused a regional leadership struggle between countries such as Iraq, Iran and Saudi Arabia. Facing historical problems between each other, the Iran-Iraq rivalry came into prominence with this struggle. The fray between the two countries also caused the Iran-Iraq War of 1980-1988. This study argues that the Iran-Iraq War is a result of the Persian Gulf struggle and examines the armament activities of the parties concerned, the support they received and to which extend this support played a role in the conduct of the war. In this respect, the Iran-Iraq War concluded as a war of attrition without winners, caused the two countries to become a matter of secondary importance in the regional competition.
- Topic:
- History, Conflict, and Iran-Iraq War
- Political Geography:
- Iraq, Iran, Middle East, and Persian Gulf