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61. Elite Cues or Social Cues? The Formation of Public Opinion on Foreign Policy

Author:
Michelle Nicholasen and Joshua D. Kertzer
Publication Date:
02-2017
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Weatherhead Center for International Affairs, Harvard University
Abstract:
In July 2014, a wave of violence erupted in the Middle East, as Israel responded to a barrage of rockets from Gaza by launching airstrikes, and eventually, a ground incursion intent on degrading Hamas’s military capabilities. In Washington, both Democrats and Republicans firmly sided with Israel: the Senate passed a unanimous resolution blaming Hamas for the conflict, and both prominent Democrats and Republicans gave staunch defenses of Israel’s right to defend itself. Although both Democrats and Republicans in Washington were united in their support for Israel, a series of polls conducted at the time found that Democrats and Republicans in the public were not aligned with them: in a Pew poll, for example, 60 percent of Republicans blamed Hamas for the violence, while Democrats were more evenly split, with 29 percent blaming Hamas and 26 percent blaming Israel. A Gallup poll detected a similar pattern: 65 percent of Republicans thought Israel’s actions were justified, but Democrats were more divided, as 31 percent backed the Israeli response, and 47 percent called it unjustified.
Topic:
Foreign Policy, Public Opinion, Military Affairs, Political Parties, and Hamas
Political Geography:
United States, Middle East, Israel, Palestine, and North America

62. Views of Education Outside the Formal System among Syrian Refugees in Jordan

Publication Date:
09-2017
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Arab Barometer
Abstract:
The Arab Barometer fourth wave survey in Jordan conducted interviews with 300 Syrian refugees living amongst the general population in Jordan. These data offer insight into the 1 degree to which Syrians are making use of informal education as a means to address educational challenges for their children who may have missed years of education because of the war in Syria, or who may not have been eligible for participation in the formal system in Jordan. Understanding the conditions facing this community can help develop policy solutions to improve the educational outcomes for this vulnerable community. Nevertheless, the relatively small number of interviews means that the results should be interpreted with some caution. Although the sample is a random selection of Syrian refugees, the statistical power is less than among the sample of Jordanian citizens (1200 respondents). Despite this constraint, the results of the survey reveal surprisingly similar views of the educational system for both Jordanian citizens and Syrian refugees in Jordan, suggesting that similar types of educational programs outside the formal system might benefit of both communities.
Topic:
Demographics, Education, Refugee Issues, Public Opinion, Higher Education, and Academia
Political Geography:
Middle East, North Africa, Syria, and Jordan

63. Jordanian Views of Education Outside the Formal System

Publication Date:
09-2017
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Arab Barometer
Abstract:
Jordanians are generally pleased with the formal educational system and the government’s efforts to improve it. Moreover, those from different backgrounds including men and women, wealthier and poorer, and those living in urban and rural areas, all hold positive views of the education system. Nevertheless, despite recent progress, many are still concerned about a lack of opportunity to provide children in the Kingdom with a high quality education. This gap highlights a new opportunity in Jordan: as the formal system continues to develop to meet the changing needs of Jordan’s youth, non-traditional programs could be used to address specific needs in the short-term. The opportunity is especially significant for programs that seek to improve skills in critical thinking and emotional intelligence, which most Jordanians believe are key skills for their country’s children to develop. Given the significant barriers to participation facing Jordanians, there are several important factors that any education program outside the formal system should seek to alleviate. The primary issue is cost. This is especially true for poorer Jordanians who are more likely to cite affordability is a major obstacle to participation. Other key barriers include transportation and lack of physical access. Additionally, Jordanians have a clear preference for receiving formal recognition for their participation in such a program, so an educational program outside the formal system should provide a form of recognition or certificate of completion. Given that many Jordanians rate the government’s performance on creating employment opportunities poorly, building capacity for new educational opportunities could yield benefits for the country’s youth. Notably, the added marketability of degrees or certificates from such programs would likely hold strong appeal to those Jordanians who are worried about finding employment.
Topic:
Demographics, Education, Public Opinion, Higher Education, Academia, and Students
Political Geography:
Middle East, North Africa, and Jordan

64. Views of Youth Non-Formal Education in the West Bank and Gaza

Publication Date:
09-2017
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Arab Barometer
Abstract:
Over half of Palestinians are dissatisfied with the educational system in the West Bank and Gaza. In addition, a survey conducted by the Arab Barometer reveals they are worried about the ability to provide their children with a good education. This worry, coupled with 1 the concerns Palestinians have about the current formal education system, provides a unique potential opening for youth non-formal education programs to fill some of the gap. However, in order to meet the needs of Palestinians, non-formal education programs must first address the issue of accessibility. Certain barriers, both physical and nonphysical prevent access to these programs. Currently, participation rates in non-formal education programs are relatively low and with the majority of these education programs organized by private institutions, it is not surprising that cost is one of the most pronounced barriers Palestinians face. In terms of content, the types of programs most valued differs between residents of Gaza and the West Bank. In the West Bank a focus on critical thinking and analytical skills would be welcomed by the population, as respondents express a preference for curricula that develop these skills. To some extent West Bankers would also welcome a program that promotes social skills and emotional intelligence. In contrast, Gazans prefer more traditional educational styles, with Palestinians in Gaza favoring a system that places greater emphasis on memorization compared with the West Bank. However, across all regions, Palestinians are open to attending non-formal education programs, especially those that develop skills for the labor market or allow them to obtain a certificate or qualification. Promotion of NFE programs should target potential students on by highlighting the potential benefits of their curriculum on their future job prospects.
Topic:
Demographics, Education, Public Opinion, Higher Education, Academia, and Students
Political Geography:
Middle East, Palestine, Gaza, North Africa, and West Bank

65. Views of Non-Formal Education among Syrian Refugees in Lebanon

Publication Date:
09-2017
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Arab Barometer
Abstract:
The fourth wave of Arab Barometer surveys in Lebanon conducted interviews with 300 Syrian refugees living amongst the general population. Despite a relatively small number 1 of interviews, these data provide a meaningful look into what barriers this community faces and how much use they are able to make of non-formal education programs. Though refugees have similar reasons for attending informal education programs as do the Lebanese as a whole, the questions asked in the survey also show that Syrian refugees are more traditional in both their cultural and educational preferences. As a result, although 2 similar types of programs could be targeted to benefit both communities, it is important to tailor programs specifically to address the needs of the refugee population.
Topic:
Demographics, Education, Public Opinion, Higher Education, Academia, and Students
Political Geography:
Middle East, North Africa, Lebanon, and Syria

66. Views of Youth Non-Formal Education in Lebanon

Publication Date:
09-2017
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Arab Barometer
Abstract:
In general, Lebanese are pleased with the formal education system, especially in comparison to other government services. However, despite relative satisfaction with education in the country, many are nonetheless concerned about the ability to provide their children with a good education. If non-formal education programs are to help assuage these fears and meet the needs of Lebanese citizens, the Arab Barometer survey reveals it is important that they include an emphasis on critical thinking and analytical skills as a part of their basic curricula, as the public strongly desires programs that teach such skills as opposed to rote memorization. 1 In addition, to ensure participation across all demographics in these programs certain barriers need to be addressed. Considering that private institutions organize most of the current education programs that fall outside the formal curriculum, it is not surprising that cost is one of the biggest barriers ordinary Lebanese face in participating. Additionally, Lebanese cite access to transportation as a significant challenge, suggesting that increasing the number of such programs and their distribution across the country could substantially increase the rate of participation. Additionally, enrollment is likely to increase if youth non-formal education programs focus on developing skills for the labor market or helping students obtain a certificate or qualification, as these are the primary motivations Lebanese cite for attending such programs. Meanwhile, other interests related to self-growth, though still present, tend to be less pronounced.
Topic:
Demographics, Education, Public Opinion, Higher Education, Academia, and Students
Political Geography:
Middle East, North Africa, and Lebanon

67. Views of Youth Non-Formal Education in Tunisia

Publication Date:
08-2017
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Arab Barometer
Abstract:
Tunisians harbor significant concern about the formal educational system in the country, but they are relatively satisfied with the government’s ongoing efforts to address educational needs based on results from the Arab Barometer survey. Since the vast 1 majority of Tunisians express concern that they are unable to provide their children with a good education, supplementary education programs outside the formal system offer a unique opportunity to more quickly address critical shortcomings in the existing system and provide students with the necessary skills to succeed in today’s economy. If such programs were more widely available, it is likely that many Tunisians would participate. Broadly speaking, although few Tunisians live in a family with a member who has directly participated in a non-formal education (NFE) program, the reputation of such programs is positive. Perhaps it is related to the perception that such programs can prepare Tunisians for employment, as this is the key consideration that Tunisians believe would lead youth to participate in such programs. Yet, Tunisians also make clear that receiving a tangible skill is not the only reason to participate in youth NFE programs program. In fact, there is a strong preference for educational modules that emphasize a number of skills that are often lacking in Tunisian classroom, including programs that seek to improve critical thinking and emotional intelligence. Tunisians across nearly all demographic backgrounds prefer programs that stress critical thinking over rote memorization and those that teach emotional intelligence and understanding the perspectives of others. Yet, there remain a number of important barriers to consider in designing non-formal programs focused on these skills. Most importantly, the cost of such programs represents a significant obstacle for many Tunisians. Ensuring that such programs are affordable is a key step, especially to encourage participation among Tunisians from a poorer background.
Topic:
Demographics, Education, Public Opinion, Higher Education, Academia, and Students
Political Geography:
Middle East, North Africa, and Tunisia

68. Lebanon's Presidential Race

Author:
David Schenker
Publication Date:
05-2014
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
The Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Abstract:
The thorny parliamentary process of selecting a new president could rekindle violence if it results in substantial delays or further sectarian friction. Last week, Lebanon's parliament convened for the first round of balloting to elect a new president. While Samir Geagea -- who leads the Christian "Lebanese Forces" party, which is aligned with the pro-Western March 14 coalition -- received the most votes, he failed to secure the requisite two-thirds parliamentary support. In the coming weeks, legislators are slated to continue meeting until a president is selected. Unlike last week's session, in which the Hezbollah-led March 8 bloc did not challenge Geagea's candidacy, the voting promises to become increasingly contentious in subsequent rounds. Perennial sectarian tensions exacerbated by the war next door in Syria have complicated the historically wrought and arcane election process. Should a compromise candidate not emerge by May 25, the term of current president Michel Suleiman will expire, leaving the post vacant. In the past, the presidency -- which by law must be held by a Christian -- was the dominant office in Lebanon's government. But the 1989 Taif Accord effectively stripped the position of its powers, delegating them to the prime minister, who must hail from the Sunni Muslim constituency. Given the post's largely symbolic nature, some might argue that the tense selection process is much ado about nothing. Yet the presidency remains an emotionally evocative issue for Lebanese Christians, and both the March 8 and March 14 blocs see a sympathetic chief executive as an important advantage worth fighting for.
Topic:
Religion, Power Politics, Regime Change, and Public Opinion
Political Geography:
Middle East and Lebanon

69. The Perception of Turkey in the Middle East 2013 (English/Arabic)

Author:
Mensur Akgün and Sabiha Senyücel Gündoğar
Publication Date:
01-2014
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation (TESEV)
Abstract:
The report entails the findings of the fifth annual survey conducted by TESEV Foreign Policy Programme in collaboration with KA Research between August 15- September 13, 2013. As in previous years, the public opinion survey reveals interesting insights into the recent Middle Eastern viewpoints, perceptions and expectations. 2800 Respondents from 16 countries (Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, Palestine, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Tunisia, Yemen, Libya, Bahrain, Kuwait, United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Oman, Iraq and Iran) of the region reflect on Turkey’s role and regional challenges in the light of current happenings.
Topic:
Foreign Policy, Politics, Regional Cooperation, and Public Opinion
Political Geography:
Iraq, Iran, Turkey, Middle East, Kuwait, Libya, Yemen, Palestine, Saudi Arabia, Lebanon, Syria, Egypt, Jordan, Bahrain, Qatar, Tunisia, Oman, and United Arab Emirates

70. How Public Information Affects Asymmetrically Informed Lenders: Evidence from a Credit Registry Reform

Author:
M. Ali Choudhary and Anil K. Jain
Publication Date:
11-2014
Content Type:
Commentary and Analysis
Institution:
Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System
Abstract:
We exploit exogenous variation in the amount of public information available to banks about a firm to empirically evaluate the importance of adverse selection in the credit market. A 2006 reform introduced by the State Bank of Pakistan (SBP) reduced the amount of public information available to Pakistani banks about a firm's creditworthiness. Prior to 2006, the SBP published credit information not only about the firm in question but also (aggregate) credit information about the firm's group (where the group was defined as the set of all firms that shared one or more director with the firm in question). After the reform, the SBP stopped providing the aggregate group-level information. We propose a model with differentially informed banks and adverse selection, which generates predictions on how this reform is expected to affect a bank's willingness to lend. The model predicts that adverse selection leads less informed banks to reduce lending compared to more informed banks. We construct a measure for the amount of information each lender has about a firm's group using the set of firm-bank lending pairs prior to the reform. We empirically show those banks with private information about a firm lent relatively more to that firm than other, less-informed banks following the reform. Remarkably, this reduction in lending by less informed banks is true even for banks that had a pre-existing relationship with the firm, suggesting that the strength of prior relationships does not eliminate the problem of imperfect information.
Topic:
Public Opinion, Public Policy, Credit, and Banking
Political Geography:
Pakistan and Middle East