Number of results to display per page
Search Results
72. The Resumption of Accession Talks: A Hesitant Improvement in Turkey-EU Negotiations
- Author:
- Filippo Urbinati
- Publication Date:
- 01-2014
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- Global Political Trends Center (GPoT)
- Abstract:
- After more than three1year deadlock, 2013 was marked by the attempt by Brussels and Ankara to restart the dialogue for Turkey’s accession to European Union. Two developments were remarkable in this process: the release of the most favorable Progress Report on Turkey since 2009, and the opening of the community acquis Chapter 22 on Regional Policy and Coordination of Structural Instruments. Regarding the former development, the European Commission underlined the positive steps achieved by Turkey and the pressing need for the EU to enhance its engagement with Turkey and revitalize the accession negotiations’ framework as the main way to promote EU sponsored reforms. As far as the latter development is concerned, the relevance of the opening of a new chapter cannot be overestimated as the political stumbling blocks, which led the negotiations to stagnation, have been kept untouched and are still far from solved. This policy update is intended to give account of the main issues connected with these developments and underline the reasons for why they have to be considered important steps forward but¬ the decisive ones.
- Topic:
- International Relations, Politics, European Union, and Negotiation
- Political Geography:
- Europe, Turkey, and Middle East
73. Yemen's National Dialogue
- Author:
- Charles Schmitz
- Publication Date:
- 03-2014
- Content Type:
- Special Report
- Institution:
- Middle East Institute (MEI)
- Abstract:
- Facing popular protests, a secessionist movement in the south, a spiraling security crisis, and a deep fracturing of political factions, Yemen’s political elite acceded to the Gulf initiative in 2011, which established a caretaker transitional government. The agreement signed in Riyadh stipulated a two-year transitional period and created a National Dialogue Conference (NDC) as a forum to solve the country’s political problems. The results of the National Dialogue will form the basis for a new constitution, and Yemenis will then elect a new government to conclude the transitional period. The National Dialogue has concluded, but it is not clear whether it can really solve Yemen’s political problems. The two-year transitional period ended without a new constitution or elections—these will be held at some undetermined later date—and facts on the ground may be outpacing the deliberations of the political elite and their international backers. The government cannot prevent attacks on its oil pipelines or electrical grid; al-Qa`ida operates with almost impunity in the capital city Sana; the Houthi movement is expanding its area of control, recently taking the symbolically important towns of Huth in Amran and Dammaj in Sa`ada; and the south remains unsettled and far from accepting of any solutions proposed by the Sana elite. In February 2014 the committee created to “resolve” the issue of southern rebellion decided on a federal system of government composed of six regions. Yet most Yemenis do not know what federalism is, and what’s more, they don’t care. Deteriorating security and the rise of poverty have overwhelmed any interest most citizens might have in the details of the elite’s visions for the future of the country. Both Saudi Arabia and the United States, the most important foreign actors in Yemen and backers of the Gulf initiative, are focused on their own regional interests, sometimes to the detriment of Yemeni interests. The Saudis want to maintain their influence on the Yemeni government, fight Iranian influence, and control threats from Yemeni soil spilling over into Saudi Arabia. However, the Saudis recently expelled from the Kingdom hundreds of thousands of Yemeni workers, exacerbating Yemen’s desperate economic situation. The United States is focused on al-Qa`ida and Iran. The American drone campaign continues to wreak havoc, recently killing members of a wedding party in spite of President Obama’s new procedures to bring the targeted assassinations under the color of law, and the United States seems unable to relinquish its misperception that the Houthis in Sa`ada constitute a new Hezbollah. With such deep divisions in Yemen’s political body and in the competing regional agendas of Yemen’s foreign backers, Yemen’s prospects for a peaceful political settlement that will allow the country to stabilize and grow seem dim.
- Topic:
- Security, Politics, Conflict, and Negotiation
- Political Geography:
- Middle East, Yemen, Saudi Arabia, United States of America, and Gulf Nations
74. Consent by Force: Strategies to Avoid Failure in Syria
- Author:
- Al Jazeera Center for Studies
- Publication Date:
- 02-2014
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- Al Jazeera Center for Studies
- Abstract:
- Geneva II did not bring about any significant humanitarian or political advancement. The Assad regime attended the talks under pressure from Russia and in order to avoid being labelled as the party refusing a peaceful solution. The regime’s unwillingness to negotiate during the talks was unprecedented because it perceived that both regional and military contexts were more favourable to it than they had been prior to the Geneva invitation. However, the perception that things are in the regime’s favour is a mirage. The catastrophic humanitarian situation is threatening the international mood, especially given that Geneva II has thus far been an exercise in absurdity. Another American announcement to supply light-calibre weapons to the Syrian opposition highlights the possibility of escalation of fighting, forcing the negotiation process forward as the more desirable option.
- Topic:
- Conflict Resolution, United Nations, Conflict, Syrian War, Negotiation, and Dialogue
- Political Geography:
- Middle East and Syria
75. Iranian Attitudes on Nuclear Negotiations
- Author:
- Nancy Gallagher, Clay Ramsay, and Ebrahim Mohseni
- Publication Date:
- 09-2014
- Content Type:
- Working Paper
- Institution:
- Center for International and Security Studies at Maryland (CISSM)
- Abstract:
- This survey is one in a series of surveys related to Iran that CISSM has conducted since 2013.
- Topic:
- Public Opinion, Nuclear Power, Negotiation, and Survey
- Political Geography:
- Iran, Middle East, and United States of America
76. Iran's Nuclear and Missile Programs as P5+1 Talks Resume
- Author:
- Greg Thielmann and Kelsey Davenport
- Publication Date:
- 09-2013
- Content Type:
- Policy Brief
- Institution:
- Arms Control Association
- Abstract:
- As negotiations are poised to resume between Iran and the six powers seeking to rein in Iran's nuclear program, it is difficult to avoid a sense of déjà vu. For years now, the UN Security Council has demanded Iran suspend uranium enrichment. Tehran continues to expand its nuclear program and insists it will never compromise its right to enrich, the United States continues to tighten sanctions on Iranian trade and finances, and alarms are raised about Iran being able to sprint to a nuclear bomb with little warning. Yet, with a new Iranian president and negotiating team, there are grounds for cautious optimism that talks this time can be different. Although Iran continues to enrich uranium and add to its nuclear complex, time remains to negotiate an agreement that adequately guards against Iran building nuclear weapons.
- Topic:
- Arms Control and Proliferation, Nuclear Weapons, Treaties and Agreements, Nonproliferation, and Negotiation
- Political Geography:
- Iran and Middle East
77. Turkey and the Gulf Dialogue in the Middle East
- Author:
- Saban Kardas
- Publication Date:
- 12-2012
- Content Type:
- Special Report
- Institution:
- Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation (TESEV)
- Abstract:
- In his article “Turkey and the Gulf Dialogue in the Middle East” Şaban Kardaş reflects on the enhancement of the Turkey- Gulf relationship, arguing that both sides have overlapping interests in deepening economic and trade connections as well as in achieving a more equitable settlement to regional disputes. To this end, Kardaş draws on the insights of the TESEV- Derasat workshop on 5 September 2012 where experts discussed the current regional environment, the diverging and converging views on regional issues, the implications of Turkey’s growing involvement in Gulf affairs and the policy options available to the sides. Şaban Kardaş, “Turkey and the Gulf Dialogue in the Middle East” adlı makalesinde Türkiye ve Körfez ülkeleri arasında gelişmekte olan ilişkileri ele alıyor ve taraflar arası iktisadi ve ticari bağların güçlenmesi ile bölgesel anlaşmazlıklarda çözüm sağlanabilmesi noktalarının her iki tarafın da yararına olduğunu belirtiyor.
- Topic:
- International Relations, International Trade and Finance, Regional Cooperation, Economy, and Negotiation
- Political Geography:
- Turkey, Middle East, and Gulf Nations
78. ‘Leaving the mountain’: How may the PKK lay down arms? Freeing the Kurdish Question from violence
- Author:
- Cengiz Çandar
- Publication Date:
- 03-2012
- Content Type:
- Special Report
- Institution:
- Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation (TESEV)
- Abstract:
- The democratic norms, introduced with globalization and embodied in the EU membership criteria, served as a leverage for Turkey like in many other countries. They enabled the society to gain a new insight in its own history and state and as a result the problems that had often been overlooked and swept under the carpet were inevitably included in the domain of politics. The issue, which is often referred to as the ‘Kurdish Question’ yet essentially expresses the refusal by the state to meet the existential and cultural demands of Turkish citizens with Kurdish identity, constitutes the biggest obstacle to democratization in terms of its scope and historical background. Accordingly, today, there is a widespread belief that democracy cannot become entrenched in society unless the ‘Kurdish Question’ is resolved. The TESEV Democratization Program has systematically addressed the ‘Kurdish Question’ in the recent years and brought it to the public attention. Three reports were prepared as a result of an extensive field work, where we attempted to clarify the demands of the politically diverse Kurdish people, the possible constitutional and legal responses to these demands and how these demands are perceived by other segments of the society. The collision of this process with the widening of the domain of politics in Turkey has led to the idea of seeking for ‘the resolution’ within the framework of a new constitution. On the other hand, there is a growing understanding that ‘the resolution’ has some aspects that go beyond the legal context. For establishing a future based on trust requires conclusively burying the past in the pages of history while also ensuring its visibility, which in turn implies a confrontation among different identities. Therefore, the resolution of the ‘Kurdish Question’ needs a democratic method and approach, whereby parties are able to develop an attitude that addresses the whole society and show consent to a policy that does not encumber the future. Yet, the reciprocal past and present violence between the state and the PKK makes it necessary to create a transparent medium for dialogue to realize potential solutions, and therefore to embark upon a journey towards a solution with no way back. This means ensuring that all members of the PKK, including Öcalan, gradually perceive themselves as a part of the political process. This period, in which we are on the verge of creating the new constitution and concurrently solving the ‘Kurdish Question’, is a vital one. This TESEV report analyses what type of a political infrastructure is needed to build a favorable environment for such a dialogue. The study conducted by Cengiz Çandar, one of the most competent observers of the issue, reveals how the building blocks for resolution can be placed in a realistic way and in consideration of the plurality within both sides. Our expectation is that this groundwork presented here will offer a meaningful contribution and roadmap both for the settlement of the ‘Kurdish Question’ and for the democratization process of Turkey …
- Topic:
- Conflict Resolution, Non State Actors, Negotiation, Violence, and Kurds
- Political Geography:
- Turkey, Middle East, and Kurdistan
79. Possible Scenarios in Cyprus: Assuming There is No Solution
- Author:
- Mensur Akgün
- Publication Date:
- 03-2012
- Content Type:
- Special Report
- Institution:
- Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation (TESEV)
- Abstract:
- Halted after the Greek Cypriot rejection of the Annan Plan (by 75.83%) at a referendum held on 24th April 2004, inter-communal negotiations restarted on a technical level on 18th April 2008 and on a political level on 25th July 2008. Since then, hundreds of negotiations have been held at different levels between the parties. Although the negotiations still continue – as of February 2012 it is said that a conference is to be held with the participation of the guarantor states – at the time this article was written, a bi-zonal and bi-communal solution seems farther away than ever before. The parties, especially the Greek Cypriots, continue with the negotiations just to avoid being seen as the one who left the table. n this article, Mensur Akgun analyses the position of Turkish government to possible scenario with outcome of no solution deriving from Turkey’s emphasis on to freeze relations with the EU as of 1st July 2012, when the Republic of Cyprus, which is represented only by the Greek Cypriots, will assume the EU Presidency.
- Topic:
- International Relations, Territorial Disputes, European Union, and Negotiation
- Political Geography:
- Europe, Turkey, Middle East, Cyprus, and Mediterranean
80. Negotiating the Cyprus Problem(s)
- Author:
- Mete Hatay and Rebecca Bryant
- Publication Date:
- 06-2011
- Content Type:
- Special Report
- Institution:
- Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation (TESEV)
- Abstract:
- This paper was prepared by Mete Hatay and Rebecca Bryant. Mete Hatay is based in the North and has worked with TESEV for many years. Rebecca Bryant is an academic who has long worked on the Cyprus conflict.What they successfully achieve in their paper is articulating the Turkish Cypriot viewpoint regarding the negotiations, the property question and the relationship between Turkey and North Cyprus. Despite the seemingly countless barriers and setbacks, Hatay and Bryant also outline suggestions that can build confidence between the two communities so that step by step the Cyprus problem can get closer to being solved.
- Topic:
- Sovereignty, Territorial Disputes, Conflict, and Negotiation
- Political Geography:
- Turkey, Middle East, Cyprus, and Mediterranean