Search

Begin New Search Political Geography Middle East Publication Year within 3 Years

1351. Lebanon Country Report 2021-2022

Author:
Arab Barometer
Publication Date:
12-2022
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Arab Barometer
Abstract:
Lebanon’s deep political and economic crisis continues unabated. There has been no resolution to the financial crisis that has plagued the country since 2019 while the port area of Beirut remains a dangerous area two years after the explosion. The COVID-19 pandemic has further compounded the situation. In the onslaught of public health and financial disasters, Lebanon has become a country of extremes. Arab Barometer captured many record highs and lows in views of citizens compared with any previous survey in any foreign country. Among others, all-time lows are seen in satisfaction with the government, interpersonal trust, and economic outlook, while perceptions of government corruption is at an all-time high.
Topic:
International Relations, Corruption, Environment, Gender Issues, Politics, Governance, Public Opinion, Democracy, Economy, Institutions, COVID-19, and Freedom
Political Geography:
Middle East and Lebanon

1352. Iraq Country Report 2021-2022

Author:
Arab Barometer
Publication Date:
12-2022
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Arab Barometer
Abstract:
The challenges Iraq has faced between 2021 and 2022 are numerous but not new: political impasses, violent crackdowns on protests, foreign interference, the economic and social fallout of the COVID-19 pandemic, sand and dust storms, electricity shortages, and protracted internal displacement are among the few. While once seen as a way of ushering in solutions to these challenges, the October 2021 parliamentary elections instead left in their wake a wave of political turbulence that surged in the summer of 2022. In June, MPs of the Sadrist Movement, led by populist Shiia cleric Muqtada Al-Sadr, resigned after failing to build a coalition, despite having won the plurality of seats. The political stalemate came to a head in July. Iraqi protesters stormed and occupied parliament ahead of a session where the Coordination Framework, an Iran-backed alliance of Shiite parties that rival the Sadrist movement, was set to gather to elect a new prime minister. Violent protests spilled into August and onto the streets of Baghdad and Southern Iraq, leaving 30 dead and scores more injured. Findings from Arab Barometer’s seventh wave in Iraq predate but to an extent foreshadow the frustration that peaked in the summer of 2022. Citizens perceive corruption to be as high as their trust in political institutions is low. With a plurality seeing the parliamentary elections as significantly flawed, Iraqis bemoan the lack of governmental responsiveness to their grievances. Yet, there is no consensus about what the biggest domestic challenges are, let alone what solutions to them are, or what avenues provide the best course of redress. If there is one theme that runs through citizens’ evaluations of economic and political conditions in Iraq, it is uncertainty. Iraqis appear to be in agreement that there is no silver bullet solution, but whatever reform the system demands, Iraqis increasingly want it immediately rather than incrementally. Affected populations are diverse, but no one is unscathed.
Topic:
International Relations, Corruption, Environment, Gender Issues, Politics, Governance, Public Opinion, Democracy, Economy, Institutions, and COVID-19
Political Geography:
Iraq and Middle East

1353. Jordan Country Report 2021-2022

Author:
Arab Barometer
Publication Date:
12-2022
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Arab Barometer
Abstract:
Compared with other countries in the region, Jordan has long been seen as an island of stability. Analysts have long predicted that unrest must be coming due to myriad challenges over the last three decades. Yet, such events have failed to come to pass. The regime continues on relatively unchanged even as regional events such as the Arab Uprisings of 2011 rocked those elsewhere in the region. Under the surface, however, changes in public opinion suggest potential bumps in the road ahead. Views of the government and key political actors have plummeted over the past decade. For example, trust in the government is now 41 points lower than at the time of the Arab Uprisings. Confidence in other political institutions, such as parliament, have also declined. Today, the only major institutions with high levels of trust is the armed forces. The main driver of the loss of confidence in the government is its inability to solve Jordan’s economic challenges. When asked about the most critical problem facing the country, nearly two-thirds of Jordanians say the economy. Elsewhere in the region, fewer than half say this is the biggest challenge. Commensurately, ratings of the economy have declined dramatically over the last fifteen years, with Jordanians being 40 points less likely to say it is good today than in 2006. Critically, hope for the future is also in decline. Only a quarter of Jordanians expect the economy to improve in the coming years, which is down nearly 20 points since 2012.
Topic:
International Relations, Corruption, Education, Environment, Gender Issues, Politics, Governance, Public Opinion, Democracy, Economy, Institutions, and COVID-19
Political Geography:
Middle East and Jordan

1354. Situation Analysis Paper: Hate Speech and its Implications on Civil Peace and Social Harmony

Author:
Pal-Think for Strategic Studies
Publication Date:
10-2022
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Pal-Think For Strategic Studies
Abstract:
Within the “National Coalition for Social Coherence and Unity” project, PalThink for Strategic Studies has released an fact paper entitled “Hate Speech and Its Implications on Civil Peace and Community Harmony.” The paper presents a set of recommendations to reduce hate-based violence and promote civil peace without prejudice to the freedom of opinion and expression by enacting deterrent laws and procedures at the official and unofficial levels to raise awareness about hate speech and its dangers. “National Coalition for Social Coherence and Unity” project implemented by PalThink for Strategic Studies and The Palestinian Association for Empowerment and Local Development – REFORM, Funded by The Federal Department of Foreign Affairs (FDFA).
Topic:
Freedom of Expression, Hate Speech, and Civil Peace
Political Geography:
Middle East, Palestine, and Gaza

1355. The unrealized potential of cooperative security in the Arab Gulf

Author:
Silvia Colombo
Publication Date:
07-2022
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
NATO Defense College
Abstract:
Over the past three decades, the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region has undergone a geopolitical transformation, punctuated by a series of critical junctures: the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait in 1990-1991, the American and NATO operations in Afghanistan the following decade, the US-led invasion of Iraq in 2003 and the Arab uprisings of 2011. These regional geopolitical shifts – often dictated by domestic drivers – have been accompanied by global geostrategic changes. As a result, the Gulf sub-region, encompassing Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries,1 Iraq, Yemen, and Iran, has emerged as the new center of gravity in the MENA region. Thus, NATO should give the Gulf sub-region special consideration in its strategy for the South. This sub-region is distinctive and important for NATO for two reasons. First, it plays a key role in global energy geopolitics, a role further reinforced by the fallout of the Ukraine war. Second, the specific security challenges confronting the Gulf sub-region (e.g., terrorism, maritime insecurity and piracy, cyber-attacks and climate change-related threats) are more in line with what NATO can deliver for the security of the area. No other sub-region along the southern flank holds the same potential for NATO. Yet, the current partnership framework, structured around the Istanbul Cooperation Initiative (ICI), has major flaws in terms of format and substance. This Policy Brief investigates NATO’s political and military cooperation with the GCC countries.2 So far, the political dimension of the NATO-GCC countries partnership remains underdeveloped. This has had signifi- 1 They include Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE). 2 Iraq is beyond the scope of this analysis. * Senior Researcher at the NATO Defense College. The author would like to thank Cinzia Bianco, Ashraf Keshk, Youssef Mnaili, Marc Ozawa, Cynthia Salloum and Thierry Tardy for their feedback on previous drafts. cant implications for practical cooperation. However, there is now a window of opportunity (and a growing imperative) to align political and military relations between NATO and the GCC countries with changing regional geopolitical and geostrategic dynamics. One way to do so is to invest more in cooperative security.
Topic:
Security, Regional Cooperation, Partnerships, and Gulf Cooperation Council
Political Geography:
Middle East and Gulf Nations

1356. Spring 2022 edition of Contemporary Eurasia

Author:
Vahram Ter-Matevosyan
Publication Date:
01-2022
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Contemporary Eurasia
Institution:
Institute of Oriental Studies, National Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Armenia
Abstract:
CONTENTS LILIT HARUTYUNYAN SYRIAN REFUGEES IN LEBANON: “NEW COMMUNITY” IN LEBANON’S CONFESSIONAL POLITICAL SYSTEM ............................................................... 5 GRIGOR VARDANYAN RESHUFFLINGS WITHIN SYRIAN SECURITY SYSTEM IN 2019: DETERMING POLITICAL MOTIVES AND OBJECTIVES ...............................20 VERONIKA TOROSYAN UNPACKING THE CONCEPT OF NATIONALISM WITHIN RUSSIAN EURASIANISM ...................................................................................................... 27 GOR HOVHANNISYAN TURKEY’S EXPANSION IN EASTERN AFRICA: THE CASE OF SOMALIA. ............................................................................................................. .44 WORKSHOP ARMENIA-TURKEY: LESSONS AND REALITIES………………………………………………………………………..58 CONFERENCE GULF ARAB COUNTRIES AND THE ARMENIAN COMMUNITIES: CURRENT TRENDS AND ISSUES………………………………………………………………………….…61
Topic:
Security, Bilateral Relations, Refugees, Domestic Politics, Syrian War, and Armenians
Political Geography:
Africa, Turkey, Caucasus, Middle East, Armenia, Lebanon, Syria, Somalia, and Gulf Nations

1357. Fall 2022 edition of Contemporary Eurasia

Author:
Levon Hovsepyan
Publication Date:
07-2022
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Contemporary Eurasia
Institution:
Institute of Oriental Studies, National Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Armenia
Abstract:
CONTENTS LEVON HOVSEPYAN, TATEVIK MANUKYAN TURKISH DOMESTIC DETERMINANTS AND ANKARA’S MILITARY OPERATIONS IN SYRIA: KURDISH THREAT AND EXPANSIONIST AMBITIONS.......................................................................................................... 5 NELLI MINASYAN TURKISH INITIATIVES IN THE DIRECTION OF TURKIC INTEGRATION: PREREQUISITES AND TENDENCIES............................................................. 22 ARAKS PASHAYAN, NAZELI NAVASARDYAN SOCIO-POLITICAL PERCEPTION OF SHĪʿA ISLAM IN AZERBAIJAN: THE INFLUENCE OF EXTERNAL FACTORS ................................................ 40 GUIHUA NI TECHNOLOGY DIFFUSION AND POWER TRANSITION: THE CASE OF THE SEMICONDUCTOR INDUSTRY IN EAST ASIA ................................... 55 ARAM GASPARYAN THE “CIVIL CONCORD”: ATTEMPT FOR PEACE IN ALGERIA ................ 76
Topic:
Foreign Policy, Islam, Science and Technology, Syrian War, Kurds, Integration, Regional Power, Semiconductors, and Shiism
Political Geography:
Central Asia, Turkey, Middle East, East Asia, Algeria, Azerbaijan, and Syria

1358. Assessing the Job Creation Potential of the Social Economy in the MENA Region

Author:
Philippe Adair, Vladimir Hlasny, Kareem Sharabi Rosshandler, and Mariem Omrani
Publication Date:
07-2022
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
IEMed/EuroMeSCo
Abstract:
The role of the Social and Solidarity Economy (SSE) in the process of job creation and formalisation of the informal economy has been understudied. This policy study aims to examine the issue of widespread youth employment in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region and the mismatch between labour supply and demand to promote the creation of start-up businesses to formalise these enterprises. To do so, the authors of this paper analyse this issue in the context of six countries, three in North Africa – Egypt, Morocco and Tunisia – and three in the Middle East – Jordan, Lebanon and Palestine. They do so by using figures of informal employment, a database compilation and interviews with experts on this subject. The study comprises four different sections that tackle different aspects of the job creation potential of the social economy. The first chapter compiles microdata from four Labour Market Panel Surveys and Economic Research Forum COVID-19 MENA Monitor Surveys to assess employment statuses by age group and gender. The second part identifies the hybrid components of the SSE including for-profit and not-for-profit entities. The third section uses extensive desk research, including data collection and in-depth interviews with key informants to come up with an overview of the major funding sources of the SSEs in the examined countries and the obstacles they face when accessing credit and tailored financial services. The last chapter analyses the formalisation policies that aim to tackle the informality of the economy. Overall, the study argues that formalising informality benefits employment by bringing to light activities performed at home or without premises. It provides evidence of the potential of the SSE in enhancing job creation in specific fields and providing citizens with dignified conditions that allow their better performance. In order to untap such potential, this policy study includes extensive recommendations aimed at different stakeholders.
Topic:
Labor Issues, Job Creation, Informal Economy, and Social Economy
Political Geography:
Middle East and North Africa

1359. Oman: When Pandemic and Political Transition Coincide (2020-2022)

Author:
Laurent Bonnefoy
Publication Date:
10-2022
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Centre d'Etudes et de Recherches Internationales (CERI)
Abstract:
The Covid-19 pandemic in Oman was characterized by its coincidence with a political transition. The coming to power of Sultan Haytham in January 2020 after five decades of Qaboos’rule and the health crisis combined to transform the roles and functions of political and institutional actors. These two dynamics, apparently unrelated have modified the policies and boundaries of the state. The emphasis on the function of protection and the development of a scientific discourse based on efficiency breaks sometimes with the previous image of an Omani specificity marked by a principle of moderation. Moreover, the recomposition that is linked to the place granted to foreign workers, set up as an economic and social adjustment variable, indicates a process of relegation authorized and accelerated by the specific context of the pandemic and the necessity to find new sources of legitimacy.
Topic:
Health, Politics, Sociology, Governance, Political Science, Social Policy, State, and COVID-19
Political Geography:
Middle East and Oman

1360. Chinese Strategy Toward the Middle East: China as a Possible Mediator to End the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict?

Author:
Mohamad Zreik
Publication Date:
04-2022
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Harvard Journal of Middle Eastern Politics and Policy
Institution:
The John F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University
Abstract:
Israel was established on May 14, 1948, and Britain left Palestine. David Ben-Gurion established the State of Israel as the ancient territory of the Jews and called on all Jews worldwide to return to Israel. [2] The British mandate set the path for Israel’s modernization and sovereignty. British Foreign Minister Arthur Balfour helped to establish Israel by promising the Jews a national homeland.[3] In 1948, British soldiers began handing over their positions in Palestine to Israeli forces with guns and ammunition.[4] The 1948 War, or ‘al-Nakba,’ erupted shortly after Israel’s founding.[5] The mismatch in armament quality prevented the Arab armies from defeating the Israeli army. In 1967, another ‘al-Naksa’ war broke out between Jordan, Egypt, and Syria on the one hand and Israel on the other hand, but the Arab troops did not win. Arab-Israeli relations are tense due to past wars and conflicts and an ongoing antagonism. From 1948 to 1982, almost 200 thousand people died, and over $300 billion was spent.
Topic:
International Relations, Security, Diplomacy, Conflict, and Israeli–Palestinian Conflict
Political Geography:
China, Middle East, Israel, Asia, and Palestine