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291. Towards Turkey’s New Constitution

Author:
M. Murat Erdoğan and Serap Yazıcı
Publication Date:
04-2011
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation (TESEV)
Abstract:
Turkey’s need for a new constitution is accepted by almost everyone today. In fact, this was a need that has been in existence since the day the 1982 Constitution was made, for the 1982 Constitution was not only antidemocratic in terms of the method it was made, it also did not fit the ideal of a democratic and pluralist-liberalist society in terms of its content. Indeed, with characteristics such as its official ideology, its hierarchical model that renders the society subject to the state, its unionist-uniformist structure that sees differences and diversity illegitimate and its sacrificing freedom for authority, the 1982 Constitution is far from the standards of today’s democracies, and goes against the structure and needs of the society in Turkey. Since the day it came into effect, various amendments have been made in the 1982 Constitution, essentially as a result of this need. Yet, although these amendments, particularly those made in 2001 and 2010, made considerable contributions to the liberalization and democratization of our society, this situation has not removed Turkey’s need to make a completely new constitution. Moreover, these amendments have also disturbed the current constitution’s integrity within itself. On the other hand, in the face of the will of voters revealed in the 2010 referendum on the constitutional amendments, making a new constitution has now become an urgent task that can no longer be ignored. During the last few years in Turkey, the method that should be pursued in making the new constitution has been broadly debated in the public. Foreseeing that political parties would open to public debate their own views and suggestions on the new constitution during their election campaigns, our working group had already announced to the public that the parliament formed at the end of this election would have the power to make the new constitution. Since then, various civil initiatives and formations have carried out activities to collect the demands of the people on the matter of the constitution, or opened their own suggestions to public debate. Meanwhile, news that some major political parties were also in similar preparations appeared in the media. As a result, in line with our own expectations and foresights, it is understood that this election campaign will also become a constitution campaign and that the new parliament formed after the June 2011 elections will embark on the task of making a new constitution. Accordingly, this situation has made it urgent for TESEV, a non-governmental organization, to share with the public its main views and suggestions regarding the new constitution.
Topic:
Law, Reform, Constitution, Justice, and Judiciary
Political Geography:
Turkey, Middle East, and Mediterranean

292. Communicating Democracy – Democratizing Communication: Media in Turkey: Legislation, Policies, Actors

Author:
Dilek Kurban and Esra Elmas
Publication Date:
06-2011
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation (TESEV)
Abstract:
The report offers a comprehensive critical analysis of Turkish media in view of the social, political and ethical task of democratization.
Topic:
Democratization, Communications, Media, and Ethics
Political Geography:
Turkey, Middle East, and Mediterranean

293. “Modernity does not Tolerate Superstition” the Religious and Seculars in the Democratization Process

Author:
Onur Bayramoğlu
Publication Date:
05-2009
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation (TESEV)
Abstract:
The claim that change is a one-way process is quite outdated. We have begun to realize that integration across the world does not necessarily require becoming like the West, but rather implies a process of mutual adaptation. This realization enhances efforts to obtain an “insider’s view” of societies’ problems. Turkey is a country that has been modernizing for almost three centuries and attempting to integrate with its surroundings by going through such an adaptation. Major changes have occurred from the economy to judicial, educational and social rights. However, a range of issues from the lack of religious freedom to the Kurdish problem, latent inclination towards violence, and the practice of utilitarian political analysis also shows that with certain issues the traditional public opinion resurfaces without going through any change. Therefore, we have an inevitable question before us: how can it be that, despite all the effort towards modernization and the dynamics of change, we fail to solve some of our problems and continue to live with them? Although one is justified in criticizing the state for its failure to solve these problems, can only the state be held accountable? Or does the society, either consciously or implicitly, support the state’s resistance to problem-solving? These questions led TESEV to conduct a series of studies, which focus on issues such as secularism, religiosity, nationalism, family, the state, and rights. Through these studies TESEV attempted to unveil the mentality and the way in which Turkish people perceive themselves and their surroundings, as well as their references and the value systems implied by these references. We tried to grasp how the mentality change works, what kinds of breakpoints it creates, and how the conflicts created by these breakpoints are rationalized. We hope that the resulting assessments will not only create an effective reference in defining and conceiving the chaotic change dynamics of contemporary Turkey, but also serve to initiate new, more expansive and in-depth studies.
Topic:
Democratization, Religion, State, and Society
Political Geography:
Turkey, Middle East, and Mediterranean

294. A Permanent Solution to Internal Displacement? An Assessment of the Van Action Plan for IDPs

Author:
Deniz Yükseker and Dilek Kurban
Publication Date:
05-2009
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation (TESEV)
Abstract:
Prior to drafting the Action Plan, a series of workshops were organized in Van at the initiative of the UNDP office in Ankara which brought together the local CSOs and private sector for a discussion concerning the shape the Action Plan should take. This report’s assessment is that civil society’s contributions during the preparatory stage have to a significant extent not been incorporated in the final Action Plan. CSOs were not part of the drafting process. Furthermore, although discussions on political and socio-economic aspects of displacement took place at the workshops, many of the CSO’s views were not reflected in the Action Plan. The Action Plan is a “blueprint” document that outlines the general principles of service delivery to IDPs in Van. It emphasizes freedom of movement and choice regarding integration, return and resettlement, and, as such, is in agreement with the United Nations Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement. It both addresses the right of return to original rural homes and the integration of urban IDPs. It also underlines the importance of civil society participation in implementation. However, the Action Plan suffers from a lack of focus and prioritization of outlined activities. No mention is made about the criteria for selection of service-delivery projects. There is no definition of IDPs and no criteria of eligibility for the beneficiaries of planned services. Particularly, the Action Plan does not address the fact that a significant proportion of IDPs in Van are from the neighboring Hakkâri and Şırnak provinces. Also, scant mention is made about funding sources. The Action Plan does not address certain issues that pertain to national-level politics and policies concerning the Kurdish question, issues which have a direct bearing on the choices open to IDPs. Issues such as cessation of the armed conflict, abolishment of the provisional village guard system and the clearing of landmines and unexploded ordnances (UXOs), all of which would positively influence the safety of returns to original rural homes, are ignored in the Plan. These lacunae in the Action Plan have been the focus of criticism from some of the CSOs that participated in the preparatory process. The ‘official’ and ‘technical’ language used in the Plan, and the absence of any mention of the Kurdish language and ethnicity have also drawn criticism from civil society. The implementation stage has been marked by the overwhelming predominance of projects prepared by public agencies in Van both in number and budgetary scale. Some of these are urban projects, such as the planned building of housing for IDPs and sewage systems in IDP neighborhoods. There are also projects pertaining to health, education and counseling. Rural-based projects pertain especially to the revitalization of agriculture and animal husbandry. As it stands, it seems that the public sector is out-competing the civil society with projects many of which actually fall under its official mandate and for which regular budget allocations should already exist. Projects submitted by CSOs mostly pertain to skills-training and educational and cultural centers for IDP women, children and youth. At the time of this writing, out of 84 projects submitted by either public bodies or CSOs, 44 had either been approved by relevant government ministries or agencies or were still being negotiated. Only a fraction of these were allocated the requisite budgets and were already underway. Out of a total of 23 CSO projects, only two – both prepared by business groups for on-the-job training for IDPs – were allocated budgets for implementation. The authority for the approval of projects and budget allocation rests with the government. However, the criteria for selection of projects and prioritization of budget allocation are not transparent. It is also unclear how the performance and effectiveness of these projects would be assessed. In particular, there are no assessment measures regarding whether implemented public and CSO projects actually benefit IDPs and other vulnerable groups in the province. These issues pertaining to transparency and coordination that emerged during the implementation of the Plan have contributed to the existing feelings of mistrust between CSOs and public agencies in Van,
Topic:
Civil Society, Migration, Internal Displacement, and Action Plan
Political Geography:
Turkey, Middle East, and Mediterranean

295. Security Sector Policy Report 1: The Security Sector in Turkey: Questions, Problems and Solutions

Author:
Hale Akay
Publication Date:
12-2009
Content Type:
Research Paper
Institution:
Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation (TESEV)
Abstract:
Security has been and is a problematic and contentious area in the Turkish political system due both to the structural, functional and organizational significance of the security sector within this system and to the autonomous and leading role that the security sector plays. This report discusses the various problems within the Turkish security sector by focusing on the armed forces and includes an analysis of the scholarship created by TESEV’s “Security Sector and Democratic Governance” Almanacs. It may be asserted that Turkey’s civil-military relations and the corresponding institutional structures possess three interrelated qualities: 1) An administrative and legislative structure that is constructed through historical continuity; deepened with every military intervention; institutionalized around a broad and ambiguous national security concept; and on several occasions, concealed behind a veil of secrecy. 2) A form of tutelage where the military sphere expands and the political sphere contracts; where the relationship between authority and responsibility is reversed; and where the military acts as the regulator, not the regulated. 3) An autonomous, institutionally isolated, and over-centralized organizational structure within the military. The analysis in this report primarily highlights these three qualities as well as the security-centered organizational structure in Turkey, and yields the following conclusions: Although significant progress towards civilianization has been recorded since the beginning of the reform process in the 2000s, particularly in the National Security Council (NSC), the definition of national security, on which the NSC and the Secretariat General of the NSC frameworks are based, remains unchanged. Prompted by a national security concept within which the bounds of internal and external security threats are still vague, NSC continues to operate as a center of power where official policies addressing a vast policy universe are made. Despite civilianization of the Secretariat General of the NSC (SGNSC), news stories on some personnel appointments indicate that the military retains its strong hold over internal security matters. At the same time, traditionally ambiguous concepts, like national security, and conventional practices, such as psychological operations, are passed down to new domestic security institutions by their ancestors. The informal mechanisms employed by the Turkish Armed Forces (TAF) to exercise political influence, coupled with the allegations, currently addressed through judicial processes, against the TAF of planning direct military inventions and social engineering schemes, show that the tradition of military guardianship is intact. While some new regulations were introduced to the military’s organizational structure, the practices of concentrating decision-making power in, and of granting autonomy to, the center of the organizational hierarchy is still dominant. The militarization of the field of internal security resumes because secret by-laws and practices that lack legal justification or basis continue to prevail; and the confusion among security sector institutions regarding their corresponding authorities and responsibilities ensues. The changes that need to be implemented to resolve the above issues are grouped into three categories: 1) Regulations involving the redefinition of national security and the abolishment of the military’s role as the regime’s guardian; 2) proposals to change the autonomous organizational structure of the military; and 3) civilian capacity building measures that particularly include increasing the parliament’s powers to oversee the security sector.
Topic:
Security, Politics, Democracy, and Institutions
Political Geography:
Turkey, Middle East, and Mediterranean

296. Good Governance Improving Quality of Life

Author:
Fikret Toksöz
Publication Date:
06-2008
Content Type:
Book
Institution:
Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation (TESEV)
Abstract:
The word ‘governance’ became common currency everywhere including Turkey. This concept which entered our vocabulary with 1996 İstanbul Habitat II Conference, encountered great resistance. Certain people claim it was unnecessary to create a new term such as governance where there is already a corresponding word for that concept, that is government. Etymological reasons are put forward to support these claims. Others claim that ideologically speaking, governance is the imposition of the forces of globalization. It is normal for such new terms to encounter great objections. If, on top of that, the meaning and content of the term is not clearly understood, these objections prove even more resilient. Good governance is a new approach that includes all the principles necessary for the consolidation of democratic management. These principles can be stated as participation, transparency, accountability, effectiveness, consistency, fairness and rule of law. Lately, many segments of society including public managers and intellectuals and even political representatives suggested using the principles of governance for solving problems encountered in public administration. Besides them, individuals and civil society organizations try to get information from public authorities and try to hold them accountable. For them, good governance is the ultimate principle that will make these organizations more important actors in social life. Seeing the common usage of good governance, TESEV decided to change the content of the book prepared initially to publicize the results of our project “Good Governance: Improving Quality of Life”. Consequently, there emerged this study which comprises of two books. The first part of the book is made up of three parts. In the first part, the meaning of governance is explained. In the second part, the transition from government to governance in Turkey is depicted. In this section, the modern government is assumed to have emerged with Tanzimat and the passage to governance is explained in two stages. The first stage is the period from Tanzimat to the Republic. In this stage, the formation process of civil society is evaluated as well as the consolidation of public authority. With the same method, the period from the Republic to the present day is also evaluated. At the end of the first book, problem areas related to governance and new developments are mentioned. The second book comprises of the explanation and the results of TESEV’s “Good Governance: Improving Quality of Life” project. The details related to the development of project tools namely “Socio-economic Development Maps, Public Spending Analysis and Social Satisfaction Surveys” are shared. This study was prepared as a manual for local authorities, civil society organizations and citizens interested in the topic with an aim to make the term clearer and to facilitate the debate on the concept. For this reason, the methodology developed for scientific studies were not employed in this book. To facilitate an easy reading of the book, extensive bibliographies and footnotes were evaded. While preparing the book, all the relevant literature in Turkish was surveyed. There are many valuable studies on the historical development pattern. The sources and the internet sites used were mentioned at the end of the book.
Topic:
Governance, Reform, Accountability, Transparency, and Sustainability
Political Geography:
Turkey, Middle East, and Mediterranean

297. Promise to Keep: Time to end the international isolation of the Turkish Cypriots

Author:
Marsel Brus, Mensur Akgün, Steven Blockmans, Sylvia Tiryaki, Theo Van Den Hoogen, and Wybe Douma
Publication Date:
06-2008
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation (TESEV)
Abstract:
The objective of writing this report has been twofold, namely, to assess the legal validity of the continuing international isolation of the Turkish Cypriot community, and to demonstrate that lifting the isolation currently imposed on Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) will not necessarily amount to – or require – its recognition as a nation-state. This report asserts that the isolationist policies directed towards the Turkish Cypriots living in the Northern part of the island do not have any legal basis and therefore should be revoked immediately. The point of departure for the study is to call on the fact that the EU membership of the RoC created a unique status for the Turkish Cypriot community, under both international and EU law.
Topic:
European Union, International Community, Nation-State, and Isolationism
Political Geography:
Turkey, Middle East, Cyprus, and Mediterranean

298. “The Indivisible Unity of the Nation:” Nationalisms that Tear Us Apart in Democratization Process

Author:
Ferhat Kentel, Savas Genc, and Meltem Ahıska
Publication Date:
06-2007
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation (TESEV)
Abstract:
This study examines Turkish nationalism as a nationalism that is reproduced while being consumed, regenerating in a different form, while considering it as stratagem set forth as a nationalism that is in the process of transformation. Thereby, the study argues that the strategy of modern secular nationalism endeavors to gain ground in the face of globalization and to control its existing status. Globalization provides individuals with a wider range of opportunities, while at the same time, it gives rise to an acute sense of insecurity. As a result of this insecurity, nationalism – as the ideology of the nation-state – is reproduced with different contents by adopting the discourse of “reunification” on the level of identity pertaining to the terms of class and culture and through religious and ethnic classes and identities, even encompassing regional and urban identities reflecting varying contents. After examining the manifestation of these different creations in terms of individuals, the study analyzes their relationship with religiosity. The path religiosities traverse in daily life practices also sheds light on the practices of nationalism. Neither a “real” nor “correct” religion exists in the “actual” practices of religion, nor is a “real” or “correct nationalism” present within the “actual” practices of nationalism. A fortiori, “how” nationalism is exercised and the “ways” and methods individuals utilize gain more importance.
Topic:
Security, Democratization, Nationalism, and Kurds
Political Geography:
Turkey, Middle East, and Mediterranean

299. Coming to Terms with Forced Migration: Post-Displacement Restitution of Citizenship Rights in Turkey

Author:
A. Tamer Aker, Ayşe Betül Çelik, Deniz Yükseker, Dilek Kurban, and Turgay Inalan
Publication Date:
08-2007
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation (TESEV)
Abstract:
The large number of civil wars in the world in which ethnic groups are involved has given rise to a growing body of literature about how to rebuild nations so that they do not lapse back into violence. Among these is the well-researched new book by the Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation (“TESEV”), Coming to Terms with Forced Migration: Post-Displacement Restitution of Citizenship Rights in Turkey. Its five co-authors, Dilek Kurban (TESEV), Deniz Yükseker (Koç University), Ayşe Betül Çelik (Sabancı University), Turgay Ünalan (Hacettepe University) and A. Tamer Aker (Kocaeli University) dig deeply into the causes of conflict and displacement in Turkey, seeking to go beyond official versions and to unearth what really occurred in their country and how best to move forward to resolve the political, economic and social divisions. Each of the authors brings a different discipline to the book, together examining displacement from a broad perspective, encompassing the sociological, political, psychological, demographic and legal. Reinforcing their two years of academic research is rigorous field work in the provinces of Diyarbakır, Batman, Istanbul and Hakkâri where they interview municipal leaders, civil society and the people who were forcibly displaced. Among their major findings is one especially important for the government and the international community to register: that internal displacement in Turkey is not just a security problem confined to a limited number of hamlets in the southeast but a widespread and large-scale phenomenon with impact on “the whole nation.” After all, some one million men, women and children were forcibly uprooted from rural areas in the east and southeast of the country as a result of the armed struggle from 1984 to 1999 between the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan - “PKK”) and the Turkish military. Large numbers fled to urban areas all over the country where they have long experienced poverty, poor housing, joblessness, loss of land and property, limited access to physical and mental health care services, and limited educational opportunities for their children. Acknowledging the plight of the displaced in both rural and urban areas and developing effective policies and programs to help them reintegrate is therefore critical not only for the lives of the displaced but also for the coherence and stability of the country as a whole.
Topic:
Human Rights, Migration, Minorities, Democracy, Citizenship, and Displacement
Political Geography:
Turkey, Middle East, and Mediterranean

300. Toward the Reunification of Cyprus: Defining and Integrating Reconciliation into the Peace Process

Author:
Virginie Ladisch
Publication Date:
05-2006
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Journal of Public and International Affairs (JPIA)
Institution:
School of Public and International Affairs (SPIA), Princeton University
Abstract:
In the search for a solution to the “Cyprus problem,” the focus of debate has been on power sharing agreements, land exchanges, right of return, and economics. There has been little focus on reconciliation. This research, conducted one year after the referendum in which Cypriots were given an historic opportunity to vote on the reunifi cation of the island, places the concept of reconciliation at the center of the debate about the Cyprus problem. Based on data gathered through forty interviews with Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot politicians, businessmen, activists, academics, organizational leaders, economists, and members of civil society, this article presents Cypriots’ views on reconciliation. Drawing from literature on reconciliation in confl ict-divided societies as a framework, this article also analyzes the various perceptions Cypriots hold about reconciliation. Finally, this article identifi es initiatives that could be used to promote reconciliation in Cyprus. The process needs to begin immediately so that it can lay the groundwork for the open dialogue, trust building, and understanding that are essential to the successful settlement of the Cyprus problem.
Topic:
Territorial Disputes, Peace, Reconciliation, and Reunification
Political Geography:
Cyprus and Mediterranean