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51. Reforming Constitutional Governance in Ghana

Author:
Kojo Asante and Nicholas Opoku
Publication Date:
08-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Ghana Center for Democratic Development
Abstract:
Manifestos are increasingly becoming an important polical contract in Ghana's highly compeve electoral polics. The preparaon of manifestos offers cizens and civil society organizaons (CSOs) a unique opportunity to mobilize and unite behind crical socio-economic and governance issues, and compel polical pares to prescribe reforms or proposals to them, with the view of implemenng such proposals when voted into office. The expectaon is that following this process, cizens and CSOs, working closely with the media, will hold polical pares to account for their proposed reforms to these issues. In line with this, the Ghana Center for Democrac Development (CDD-Ghana) ahead of the 2020 general elecons, embarked on The Manifesto Project with the view of highlighng crical problem areas in ten (10) sectors that hinder naonal development and progress and prescribe soluons for polical pares to comprise in their respecve manifestos. The issues were captured in a report tled 'The Manifesto Project: Promong responsive and responsible manifestos for inclusive development'. As a new government has been formed in 2021 following the outcome of the 2020 elecons, it is our expectaon that government will take steps towards addressing the key sector-specific issues highlighted. In the area of governance, some perennial challenges and gaps persist. This policy brief outlines the key issues idenfied as constung crical problem areas and gaps in Ghana's efforts towards ensuring good governance, with a view to informing and influencing agenda-se ng and policy for inclusive development.
Topic:
Civil Society, Politics, Governance, Reform, and Constitution
Political Geography:
Africa and Ghana

52. Decentralization And Local Governance Reform: Towards Accountable Local Government And Better Service Delivery In Ghana

Author:
Mohammed Awal
Publication Date:
09-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Ghana Center for Democratic Development
Abstract:
Since the late 1980s, many countries in Africa started the process of devolving polical, administrave, and fiscal responsibilies from central to local governments. The movaons of countries for undergoing such a governance change are varied and include a range of polical as well as social and economic factors (see; Dickovich and Wunsch, 2014; Mogues, Benin and Cudjoe, 2009; Crawford and Hartman, 2008). Ghana has been implemenng decentralizaon reform since 1988. The central purpose of the reform is to improve local governance and be er provision of public services that would improve the lives of ordinary cizens (see; Ahwoi, 2010). Yet, in spite of a wave of decentralizaon policy reforms, local governments in Ghana sll remain weak. Metropolitan, Municipal and District Assemblies (MMDAs) – the polical, administrave and fiscal authority responsible for local governance- have weak accountability systems, are unresponsive and in many instances unable to deliver important public services that impact the lives of ordinary cizens (See; Ofei-Aboagye, 2018; CDD-Ghana and UNICEF, 2019). The poor performance of local governments in delivering public services has led to calls for deepening decentralizaon reform in Ghana. In response to the calls for strengthening local governance, government has in recent mes iniated and is implemenng key policy reforms in polical, fiscal and administrave decentralizaon. While the current reforms proposals –parcularly in polical decentralizaon –are far reaching, there sll remain areas of decentralizaon and local government reforms that require the a enon of policy makers, local government accountability oversight agencies as well as social accountability actors. This paper aims to smulate public discourse on strengthening decentralizaon for be er local government accountability and responsive public delivery service in Ghana. The aim of this paper is two fold; to provide key pointers to policy makers on the outstanding reform and policy issues in decentralizaon and local governance that needs polical crical a enon, and , to serve as an advocacy tool for non-state actors in fostering evidence informed advocacy towards achieving accountable, responsive local governments in Ghana.
Topic:
Governance, Reform, Services, and Decentralization
Political Geography:
Africa and Ghana

53. Political Accountability in Ghanaian Slums: Evidence from the Grassroots

Author:
Jeffrey W. Paller
Publication Date:
09-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Ghana Center for Democratic Development
Abstract:
More than 5.5 million Ghanaians live in slums. The majority of these people live in the Greater Accra Region. Contrary to popular portrayals of these communities as criminal havens and cut off from the state, slums are important spaces for citizens to interact and engage with the government. Based on one year of fieldwork, this study reveals considerable differences in the levels of political accountability and governance in Ghanaian slums. This research study asks: Why are some communities able to attract and manage state resources to build toilets, construct sewers, pave roads, collect garbage, and provide security while others are unable to attract and manage these same services? In this paper, I suggest three factors that help shape the development of slum communities: 1. Historical conditions and informal institutions 2. State-society linkages, and 3. Political accountability mechanisms I compare and contrast political dynamics in Old Fadama, Ga Mashie and Ashaiman—all slum areas in Greater Accra Region.
Topic:
Politics, Accountability, Services, Informal Settlement, and Slums
Political Geography:
Africa and Ghana

54. Enhancing the credibility of the public office holders asset declaration regime

Author:
E. Gyimah-Boadi
Publication Date:
10-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Ghana Center for Democratic Development
Abstract:
A credible and effective asset declaration regime is an essential component of the ensemble of rules and structures necessary for democratic governance. It helps to: • Prevent abuse of power by holders of public office • Protect public assets and the public interest • Deter public corruption • Promote the integrity of public officials • Foster public accountability and trust as well as governmental legitimacy. A credible asset declaration regime is also good for public officials. It helps to: • Protect the private assets of public officials from wrongful and extra-legal confiscation • Protect public officials from undue suspicion, baseless allegations of wrongdoing, and all manner of calumny.
Topic:
Corruption, Government, and Reform
Political Geography:
Africa and Ghana

55. Constituting Committees in the Eighth Parliament: Harnessing the Opportunities Inherent in a Hung Parliament

Author:
Regina Oforiwa Amanfo Tetteh
Publication Date:
11-2021
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Ghana Center for Democratic Development
Abstract:
Since the incepon of the 4th Republic, governments in power have enjoyed majority, and in some cases, overwhelming majority in parliament, the only excepon being the current parliament aer the 2020 elecons. The first parliamentary elecon of the 4th Republic which the New Patrioc Party (NPP) boyco ed, the Naonal Democrac Congress (NDC) won 189 out of the 200 seats. The remaining 11 seats were picked by the Naonal Convenon Party, 8 seats, Every Ghanaian Living Everywhere (EGLE) Party, 1 seat and independent MPs, 2 seats. The 1996 parliamentary elecon produced an outcome that again gave majority to the ruling party (i.e. NDC, 131 seats; NPP, 63 seats; CPP, 5 seats; and PNC, 1 seat. This trend of majority MPs generally ge ng elected on the ckets of ruling pares connued through to the 7th Parliament of the 4th republic, even though in some cases it was a slim majority (e.g. 3rd parliament). In instances where there was a slim majority for the governing party, the pracce whereby MPs elected on the cket of smaller polical pares and those who contested the parliamentary elecon as independent candidates decide to do business with the majority side gave governments the numbers. The December 7 2020, parliamentary elecon, produced a legislature that departed from the norm. The main opposion NDC garnered 137 seats, exactly the same as what the governing party, NPP obtained with an independent candidate picking the remaining single seat. As usual, the independent MP, who is a die in the wool NPP but went independent because of some challenges with the party prior to the elecons pitched camp with the governing NPP. The outcome of the 2020 parliamentary elecon is therefore historic and very significant for the 4th Republic, especially as the country works towards strengthening and consolidang its young parliamentary democracy. Nevertheless, a number of Ghanaians and organizaons involved in parliamentary monitoring work may be wondering what this equal numerical strength means for parliamentary work, especially the substanve work at the Committee level.
Topic:
Government, Politics, Elections, and Parliament
Political Geography:
Africa and Ghana

56. Higher Education and Social Innovation Ecosystem in Ghana

Author:
InnoHub Ghana
Publication Date:
12-2021
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
The Nkafu Policy Institute
Abstract:
Higher education institutions (HEIs) are widely regarded as agents of human transformation and social development, and as such, are expected to play active roles in the change process in society. This expectation is based on the premise that higher education institutions play a leading role in teaching, learning, research, and facilitating the innovation of process, policies, and human contributions. This policy brief looks at the contributions by higher education institutions in sub-Saharan Africa (moreso in Ghana) to social innovation and societal development. The literature points out the challenges, policies, and existing practices by the various institutions to alleviate these challenges.
Topic:
Education, Innovation, Higher Education, and Social Innovation
Political Geography:
Africa and Ghana

57. Ghana as the EU’s Migration Partner: Actors, Interests, and Recommendations for European Policymakers

Author:
Kwaku Arhin-Sam, Alia Fakhry, and Victoria Rietig
Publication Date:
04-2021
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
German Council on Foreign Relations (DGAP)
Abstract:
Despite a seemingly close partnership between Europe and Ghana on migration, their relations are full of pitfalls. Ghana’s interests in the diaspora, labor migration, and regional free movement are often at odds with Europeans’ focus on irregular migration and return policies. This report provides German and European politicians, policy experts, and practitioners with concrete and actionable ideas for how to aim for more informed migration discussions with their Ghanaian counterparts in the future.
Topic:
International Relations, Migration, Diaspora, and Labor Issues
Political Geography:
Africa, Europe, Germany, and Ghana

58. UN Security Council Elections for 2022-2023 and the Responsibility to Protect

Author:
Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Publication Date:
06-2021
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
The Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
Abstract:
Today, 11 June 2021, the UN General Assembly elected Albania, Brazil, Gabon, Ghana and the United Arab Emirates to the UN Security Council for the period of 2022-2023. With their election, 9 of the 15 members of the Council in 2022 will be “Friends of the Responsibility to Protect” – having appointed an R2P Focal Point and/or joined the Group of Friends of R2P in New York and Geneva. Albania, Brazil and Ghana all co-sponsored and voted for the recent UN General Assembly resolution on R2P. The United Arab Emirates also voted in favor of the resolution while Gabon did not participate in the vote. Despite its role as the UN body responsible for the maintenance of international peace and security, all too often the Security Council has been unable to take timely action on mass atrocity situations due to deep political divisions inside the Council over human rights, conflict prevention and national sovereignty. In recent years this has had a debilitating effect on the Council’s capacity to respond to atrocities in Myanmar, Syria, Yemen, Ethiopia and elsewhere. It is therefore more important than ever for Council members to work in creative ways to ensure that the international community is able to take timely, practical action to prevent atrocities and protect vulnerable populations. Since 2005 the Security Council has adopted 92 resolutions and 21 presidential statements that refer to the Responsibility to Protect, including with regard to situations in the Central African Republic, South Sudan, Syria and eight other country situations, as well as a number of thematic issue areas. It is our hope that the Security Council will consistently uphold their commitment to R2P by taking decisive action to avert emerging crises and halt atrocities wherever they are threatened. The Global Centre has compiled basic profiles on each of the newly elected Security Council members. These provide an overview of their engagement with R2P, including whether they have appointed an R2P Focal Point, their respective contributions to UN peacekeeping operations, and their status with relevant international legal regimes, including the Genocide Convention and Arms Trade Treaty.
Topic:
United Nations, Elections, Responsibility to Protect (R2P), and UN Security Council
Political Geography:
Brazil, Albania, Ghana, United Arab Emirates, Global Focus, and Gabon

59. Manufacturing Moral Panic: Weaponizing Children to Undermine Gender Justice and Human Rights

Author:
Juliana Martínez, Ángela Duarte, and María Juliana Rojas
Publication Date:
03-2021
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Elevate Children Funders Group
Abstract:
This research explores how gender-restrictive groups are using child protection rhetoric to manufacture moral panic and mobilize against human rights, and how this strengthens the illiberal politics currently undermining democracies. The report’s comparative analysis of three country case studies (Bulgaria, Ghana, and Perú) underscores recurring strategies, narratives, and actors and gives insight into how gender-restrictive groups collaborate and engage in coalitional work across the globe. This significant new research includes important findings and recommendations for funders.
Topic:
Human Rights, Children, LGBT+, Gender Minorities, and Gender
Political Geography:
Bulgaria, Peru, and Ghana

60. Case Study 3. Ghana: How Faith-Based, Gender-Restrictive Groups Sowed Homophobia and Reaped Political and Social Power

Author:
Juliana Martínez, Ángela Duarte, and María Juliana Rojas
Publication Date:
03-2021
Content Type:
Case Study
Institution:
Elevate Children Funders Group
Abstract:
The actions of faith-based, gender-restrictive groups85 in Ghana gained international attention in 2019 due to two main events: the World Congress of Families (WCF), which convened in Accra, and the opposition to the Comprehensive Sexuality Education (CSE) program proposed by the government. Though the two were not originally related, faith-based, gender-restrictive groups used the WCF as a platform to amplify their message against the CSE program, as well as LGBT86 rights more broadly. The Ghanaian case illustrates how faith-based, genderrestrictive groups use the rhetoric of protecting children and leverage entrenched anti-LGBT sentiment in many English-speaking countries in Africa to manufacture moral panic. This strategy both effectively advances a genderrestrictive worldview and strengthens the social capital and political power of these groups. Furthermore, the anti-LGBT cause allowed these groups to work across denominations and religions—for example, Evangelicals with Catholics87 or Christians with Muslims—to create a powerful interfaith alliance that constitutes a serious threat to gender justice88 in Ghana.
Topic:
Human Rights, Religion, LGBT+, Homophobia, and Gender
Political Geography:
Africa and Ghana