The parties of the Czech left have enjoyed a nominal majority in the House of Representatives of the Czech Parliament: the Czech Social Democratic Party (ČSSD) gained 70 seats and the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia (KSČM) 41 seats during the elections in June 2002. Both parties have so far used this political potential with caution.
The Black Sea is at the forefront of the strategic agenda for 2 005, though its ordinary geographical name tends to conceal the dynamic geopolitical realities of an area where a transformation is in full swing.
Topic:
International Relations, Security, and Development
This second booklet of reflections on Black Sea security issues is the companion volume to the one published during the continuation of the seminar sponsored by the NSC at Constanta (Romana) on 6 and 7 June 2005 on the subject of “The Role of the Wider Black Sea Area in a Future European Security Space”.
Topic:
International Relations, Security, and Development
This volume contains the three presentations delivered on the occasion of the 52nd Anciens' Annual Conference and Seminar held on 23 September 2005 at the NATO Defense College in Rome. The seminar was dedicated to the subject of “Security Strategies”–especially those of the United States, the European Union, and of course the 1999 NATO Strategic Concept. One major issue examined at the seminar was the impact that the evolution of the first two strategies may have on the Alliance's current strategic concept.
Tomas Valasek, Giovanni Gasparini, Annalisa Monaco, Roberto Menotti, Gerard Quille, and Alyson J. K. Bailes
Publication Date:
05-2005
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
International Security Information Service
Abstract:
Alyson Bailes captures the essence of the present context and challenge facing Europe in the early decades of the 21st Century with her opening observation that: “Europe has arrived at a point in history when its conception of security, and security ambitions, are possibly running ahead of the contemporary realities: while its military concepts and assets are lagging behind.”
Topic:
International Relations, Security, and Defense Policy
The first and second waves of post-Cold War NATO enlargement by-passed the Western Balkans. Next time, though, it will be different. Three countries of the region – Albania, Croatia and Macedonia – want to join the Organisation as soon as possible and are preparing for accession by taking part in the Membership Action Plan (MAP) process. Indeed, currently they are the only states so engaged. A fourth country, Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) has membership aspirations also. However this state, or quasi-state, must first meet the conditions set for its admission to NATO's non-members' club – Partnership for Peace (PfP). No less keen to earn the recognition that PfP status confers is Serbia and Montenegro (SCG) which, as one country or two, may seek membership in due course.
The adoption by the European Union (EU) of its first official and comprehensive security strategy—'A Secure Europe in a Better World'—in 2003 may be seen (aside from any practical results it leads to) as a conceptual and procedural turning point in the development of the EU's Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). Set against its specific political background, it was also an important stage in the developing self-awareness and ambition of the EU as a player in the global arena. The European Security Strategy (ESS) has already attracted perhaps more than its fair share of exegesis, comment and debate. Too often, however, it has been treated almost in the style of literary criticism, divorced from its historical, institutional and short-term political context. This Policy Paper illuminates the latter dimensions of the document's significance and lays out a framework for considering and monitoring its future impact.
To most Americans, the prospect of a united Europe has long been viewed not only as a favorable development, but even as an increasingly inevitable one. Our common political, religious and cultural heritage, democratic governments, market economies, and Cold War experiences have all contributed to the perception of Europe as a friend and natural ally of the United States, occasional differences not withstanding. The formation of NATO in 1949 gave a military tone to the developing political alliance between the U.S. and Western Europe, and the beginnings of united Europe in the early 1950s was generally viewed in Washington as a favorable trend that would make Western Europe a stronger economic partner and a stronger ally in the struggle against Soviet Communism.
Topic:
International Relations, Politics, and Regional Cooperation
Political Geography:
United States, America, Europe, Washington, and Soviet Union
The paper examines the relative position of GSP (tariff preferences for developing countries) compared to ordinary tariffs and free trade agreements in Norway, the EU and the USA. On average, ordinary GSP gives a tariff rebate of less than 50% in all countries. “Extended” GSP, given to the Least Developed Countries (LDCs) and others, implies zero tariffs in Norway and the EU, but only partial liberalisation in the USA. EU provides extended GSP for 119 countries, while the USA does so for 76 and Norway for 52. Considering the shares of trade rather than the number of countries, extended GSP covers 5% or less of total trade in all cases, and ordinary GSP is much more important. Compared to tariffs in free trade agreements, ordinary GSP is inferior in the USA and the EU, but not too far behind in Norway. This is due to recent cuts in MFN tariffs as well as improvements in the GSP system of Norway. For manufacturing, Norway has low tariffs and a generous GSP system. This is however not the case for agriculture.
Topic:
Development, International Trade and Finance, and Third World
In this working paper, Kristin Marie Haugevik seeks to analyse the nature of the changes in Britain's approach to the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) after 1998. Ever since the beginning of the European integration process in 1951, Britain's approach to European security and defence cooperation has been characterized by anti-federalism and transatlanticism. Hence, it was unexpected when Tony Blair, together with Jacques Chirac, took the initiative to frame a common security and defence policy for the EU in Saint Malo in 1998. This paper discusses to what extent Britain's new approach to the ESDP after 1998 can be explained as the result of a strategic adaptation, and to what extent it can be seen as a result of more profound changes in the British identity and security interests. These two accounts are tested by analysing Britain's approach to some of the most important ESDP documents since 1998: the Saint Malo declaration, the Laeken declaration, the Nice Treaty, the European Security Strategy, and the Constitution Treaty.