Anja H. Ebnöther, David Law, Ernst M. Felberbauer, Amadeo Watkins, Matthew Rhodes, Krunoslav Antoliš, Branka Bakic, Jozsef Boda, Dejan Bojic, Reto Brunhart, Alex G. W. Dowling, Svetlana Djurdjevic-Lukic, Saša Janković, Kalman Kocsis, Rudolf Logothetti, Chris Morffew, Ferdinand Odzakov, Neven Pelicarić, Pasi Pöysäri, Jürgen Reimann, Anthony Cleland Welch, and Zoran Šajinović
Publication Date:
01-2007
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Austrian National Defence Academy
Abstract:
This publication is based on the results of a seminar that took place in October 2006 in Cavtat, Croatia. The partners to this project, the PfP Consortium Security Sector Reform Working Group (under the chairmanship of the Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces – DCAF) and the PfP Consortium Study Group on Regional Stability in South East Europe (under the chairmanship of the Austrian Ministry of Defence), together with the Croat Institute for International Relations – IMO – Zagreb, together with the Western Balkan policy community, reviewed the democratic standards for security sector reform and governance and the development of the preaccession SSR conditionality in the light of the evolving Security Sector Reform concepts of NATO, the EU and other International Organisations.
Topic:
Security, Defense Policy, Democratization, Intelligence, and International Organization
Dennis J.D. Sandole, Predrag Jureković, Ernst M. Felberbauer, Franz-Lothar Altmann, Jolyon Naegele, Amadeo Watkins, Sandro Knezović, Plamen Pantev, Dušan Janjić, Matthew Rhodes, Sonja Biserko, Nina Dobrković, John F. Erath, Dragana Klincov, Lulzim Peci, Denisa Saraljić-Maglić, Heinz Vetschera, and Frederic Labarre
Publication Date:
09-2007
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Austrian National Defence Academy
Abstract:
In this article, I examine the prospects and challenges for co-operative security in the Balkans in the wake of recommendations for Kosovo's final status offered recently to the UN Security Council by former Finnish President Martti Ahtisaari. On the assumption that Ahtisaari's proposals represent a zero-sum gain for the Kosovar Albanians and corresponding loss for the Serbs, I recommend a reframing of his plan that may be more likely to lead to sustainable peace, security, and stability in the Balkans, with implications for similar conflicts elsewhere.
Topic:
NATO, Democratization, Development, Regional Cooperation, and International Security
Political Geography:
Europe, Eastern Europe, United Nations, and Balkans
School of Oriental and African Studies - University of London
Abstract:
This paper looks at the recent expansion of European banks in the developing countries. It argues that no specific European influence is apparent in emerging markets, other than a declining financial interest in former colonies. Actual developments in emerging markets are determined by domestic factors, financial liberalisation, and capital account liberalisation. The sole exception is provided by monetary unions of France and Portugal with former colonies. These highlight the drying up of local money markets as local banking becomes a branch activity of global banks. This is a paradoxical result, since financial liberalisation is usually supposed to result in financial development. It also suggests financial liberalisation may not be the best way of supporting the under-banked small and medium enterprise sector in developing countries.
Topic:
Development, Economics, and International Political Economy
This article problematises the idea of the Western concept of governance being applied to areas outside the OECD world. The aim of this article is to develop a research approach which is appropriate for these areas. To this end the article first of all casts light on Eurocentric premises of the concept of governance. It deals with the central dichotomy between state and private actors. The omnipresence of this differentiation is then explained with the help of Foucault's, Luhmann's and Derrida's (de-)constructivist theories. Assuming that Eurocentrism is inevitable, but that it has a varying degree of influence on the observer, the author then outlines an equivalence functionalist approach to governance research, which poses questions about the nature of a task performed, about the “way” in which it is performed and by “whom”. In this way, European dichotomies with regard to actors and modes of action in governance can be avoided.
Topic:
Democratization, Development, International Cooperation, and Political Economy
SETA Foundation for Political, Economic and Social Research
Abstract:
Turkey and the United States are close historic allies. Turkish-American relations have, of course, not been perfect. Two main issues have caused small problems throughout the duration of the partnership. Yet the relationship did begin to change under the administration of American President George W. Bush. The United States must shift its policy toward Turkey to stop the downward direction of relations. It must respond to Turkish internal and external pressures. To succeed it needs to work towards resolutions of current and past problems and allow Turkey to fully develop its own leadership role and position as a prominent member of the Europe and the Middle East.
SETA Foundation for Political, Economic and Social Research
Abstract:
More than three years after the opening of the ceasefire line that divides Cyprus, the island is closer than ever to rupture. When the Green Line first opened in April 2003, there was an initial period of euphoria, as Cypriots flooded in both directions to visit homes and neighbors left unwillingly behind almost three decades before. But a year later, when a UN plan to reunite the island came to referendum, new divisions emerged. While Turkish Cypriots voted in favor of the plan, their Greek Cypriot compatriots rejected it in overwhelming numbers. Visits stalled, and today social relations are mired in an increasingly divisive politics.
SETA Foundation for Political, Economic and Social Research
Abstract:
The 85-year-old Turkish state finds itself at a crossroads. But the implications of Erdoğan's final choice go far beyond Turkey's borders. Turkey's standing as a regional powerhouse, its strategic location as a bridge between Europe and the Middle East, its historical and cultural heritage in the Muslim world – all these are bound to come into play in the coming months. The crucial importance of what is unfolding in Turkey lies in that, to quote former Israeli foreign minister Shlomo Ben-Ami in a recent article, "Engaging political Islam will need to be the central part of any successful strategy for the Middle East. Instead of sticking to doomsday prophecies of categorical perspectives that prevent an understanding of the complex fabric of Islamic movements, the West needs to keep the pressure on the incumbent regimes to stop circumventing political reform."
SETA Foundation for Political, Economic and Social Research
Abstract:
This paper aims at investigating the security environment of the Black Sea region. It firstly reviews regional organizations and their security agendas. The Black Sea Economic Cooperation (BSEC) is the most organized and largest regional organization in the region. Non-regional organization, namely NATO and the EU, both of which pursue their respective security agendas in the Black Sea region will be dealt with afterwards. NATO has its own policy of penetration toward the Black Sea region. The EU is the dominant economic and political organization which also aims to enlarge in the Black Sea region. Finally, the security environment of the Black Sea region will be examined in view of the BSEC, NATO and EU.
SETA Foundation for Political, Economic and Social Research
Abstract:
This paper focuses on examining what sort of costs and benefits are involved in Turkey's accession process into the European Union (EU) by addressing related discussions in Turkey and aims at reflecting a general Turkish costbenefit motivation perspective. From European perspective, Turkey-EU debates are to a large extent based on costs of Turkish accession, whereas in Turkey, EU-Turkey discourse is to a large extent dominated by benefits of accession. Secondly, as can be observed from public opinion polls held in Turkey, Turkish people do not really know how the EU would affect their lives. They lack a cost-benefit analysis of EU accession even in its simplest form and are not well informed about possible consequences of accession. A more open debate would be helpful in addressing the real costs and benefits of EU membership.