The Transatlantic Economic Council was a major U.S.-EU innovation designed to negotiate away non-tariff barriers between the two markets. To consolidate the promise of its first year at work, it needs to choose its issues and do something tangibly effective about them, according to Dan Price, the White House point man in the TEC.
Where Have all the Soldiers Gone? The Transformation of Modern Europe. By James J. Sheehan. Reviewed by Michael Mosettig A cogent reading of 20th-century history in which the author recounts how Europe became “a military state” and then after the cold war reacted against that trend to become a “civilian state” – in which dying in wars was no longer part of the social contract. Now, martial values may be due for revival.
Topic:
International Relations and International Political Economy
Globalization and Europe: Prospering in the New Whirled Order By Daniel S. Hamilton and Joseph P. Quinlan. Reviewed by Megan Watson Two proven analysts turn to statistics (rather than fear-mongering or cheerleading) to weigh the questions of whether globalization is good or bad for Europeans. The verdict? Good overall. Job losses are outweighed by new jobs created in the process. But individuals remain fearful about their personal fate.
McMafia: A Journey Through the Global Criminal World By Misha Glenny. Reviewed by Michael Mosettig Organized crime in Russia became a key component of the now-defunct Soviet system and in the post-cold war era it has become a new multinational venture. The author takes us on a journey through this underworld, showing how, through the Balkans, new mafias reach into the EU.
Shortly after the Irish voted “no” in their referendum on the Lisbon treaty, John Bruton, speaking in his personal capacity, addressed The European Institute and explained the reasons for the outcome and what should happen next. A former Irish prime minister as well as a high EU representative, he offers unique insights into the issue.
Partnership for Peace Consortium of Defense Academies and Security Studies Institutes
Abstract:
The Partnership for Peace (PfP) Consortium of Defense Academies and Security Studies Institutes epitomizes a fundamental truth: “Long-term security and stability requires more than the transformation of our military forces in terms of new hardware. It also requires a mental transformation.” This assessment of the Consortium was provided by NATO Secretary-General Jaap de Hoop Scheffer in his opening speech at its tenth anniversary celebration in Brussels on 18 June 2008, where he issued a call to reflect, take stock of what the Consortium had achieved, and look ahead. Citing it as a model for the future as NATO enlarges its concept of “Partnership,” the Secretary-General situated the Consortium in the context of three phases of the Alliance's own evolution. First was the Cold War, when NATO concentrated on territorial defense and had no formal relations with countries outside the Alliance. The end of the Cold War afforded the opportunity to build an undivided Europe and required an “open community” approach. In this second phase, the Partnership for Peace became NATO's standard “for successful military cooperation between NATO and non-NATO countries, between big and small countries, and between countries with different geographical regions and with different security traditions.” De Hoop Scheffer added that, “PfP not only brought them together—it also brought out the best in them.”
Partnership for Peace Consortium of Defense Academies and Security Studies Institutes
Abstract:
We, the Heads of State and Government of the member countries of the North Atlantic Alliance, have gathered in Washington to celebrate the 50th anniversary of NATO and to set forth our vision of the Alliance of the 21st century. The North Atlantic Alliance, founded on the principles of democracy, individual liberty and the rule of law, remains the basis of our collective defence; it embodies the transatlantic link that binds North America and Europe in a unique defence and security partnership.
Political Geography:
Europe, Washington, North Atlantic, and North America
Partnership for Peace Consortium of Defense Academies and Security Studies Institutes
Abstract:
I want to begin by thanking the conference organizers for what has truly been a splendid effort. I'd like to thank the Ministry of Defense and the Government of Estonia for agreeing to host the Third Conference of the Partnership for Peace (PfP) Consortium.
Partnership for Peace Consortium of Defense Academies and Security Studies Institutes
Abstract:
The current Bush Administration is considering a crash effort to put into place the European components of a U.S.-built national missile defense system (NMD) before the end of President Bush's second term. While the debates in the United States are focused primarily on the failure and success of various flight tests, and on the cost of missile defense, the European general public wants to see a concrete plan of its deployment, to understand the design of the entire system, and have a clearer sense of a timetable.
Partnership for Peace Consortium of Defense Academies and Security Studies Institutes
Abstract:
The war in Iraq continues to divide the Western democracies, nations once optimistic that the post-Cold War environment might lead to a more secure world. Even if solutions proved difficult to achieve, many hoped that these societies would share common viewpoints on threats to peace. Yet there have been contrasting security perspectives that have been highlighted by the conflict in Iraq, such as that of former European Union High Commissioner for Foreign and Security Policy Javier Solana, who stated in 2003 that “Europe is not at war.” One of the main cleavages is between Europe and the United States generally, with the former considering that the U.S. has increasingly been too dedicated to the unilateral use of force, views held by both elites and the general public in Europe. Even before the Bush Administration, Samuel Huntington de-scribed U.S. foreign policy as one of “world unilateralism,” with a single-minded devotion to its own interests while minimizing those of other countries. Since the Iraq war, Harold Pinter has stated, the U.S. “has become a fully-fledged, award-winning, gold-plated monster. It has effectively declared war on the world....” Many people in Western Europe have some sympathy with this view, if not its hyperbolic quality, and the war in Iraq appears to have amplified long-held convictions about the world's sole remaining superpower.