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111. The Economic Dimension of Minority Participation in Europe

Author:
Jonathan Wheatley
Publication Date:
02-2007
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI)
Abstract:
The issue of equal economic opportunities for members of national and ethnic minorities in Europe is important not only for economic prosperity, but also for the future peace and security of the European continent. Unequal access to employment, education, health and housing has, over the past fifty years, undermined political and economic stability in regions as diverse as the Balkans, Northern Ireland, South Tyrol and Cyprus. However, while European academics, think tanks and policy-makers have focused on social and economic exclusion on the one hand, and minority rights on the other, few attempts have been made to link the two.
Topic:
Security, Economics, Minorities, and Participation
Political Geography:
Europe

112. Roms on Integration: Analyses and Recommendations

Author:
European Centre for Minority Issues
Publication Date:
01-2006
Content Type:
Case Study
Institution:
European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI)
Abstract:
The data gathered through this research point out certain problems with the state of health of the Romani population in the Republic of Macedonia. A conclusion is that these problems require special attention as well as great seriousness and precision in approach in order to fully defi ne and elaborate the health-related problems Roms face. Nevertheless even the data resulting from our research sounds an alarm for undertaking concrete steps towards the improvement of the health condition of the Romani population. With regard to vaccination, it would be desirable to organize visiting-nurse service teams which would take care of the children that have been brought back from Western countries and would make sure that they are vaccinated and registered while also taking care of those who have not yet been registered. The services responsible for sending invitations to vaccination should also perform their tasks more responsibly, as a large number of families have stated that for whatever reason they do not receive such invitations. Frequently, health workers verbally pass information about coming vaccinations to the mothers. As a result, it often happens that the mothers forget the date of vaccination. It is a fact that a large number of Romani mothers have a relatively low level of education and are not familiar with the purpose of the vaccines. It is therefore necessary to find a way for them to be familiarized with the purpose as well as the timing of vaccinations.
Topic:
Health, Minorities, Ethnicity, Discrimination, and Integration
Political Geography:
Europe and Macedonia

113. The Lisbon Strategy and Ethnic Minorities: Rights and Economic Growth.

Author:
Tove H. Malloy
Publication Date:
04-2005
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI)
Abstract:
The fact that member states’ approach to social inclusion is weak, whether rightsbased or growth-motivated is perhaps not surprising. Ethnic minorities are often considered second-class citizens, especially if they do not hold legal citizenship. Indeed, in some member states ethnic minorities are denied citizenship. But even in those member states where members of ethnic minorities do obtain citizenship, second-class status is often the norm. This is, of course, a reason why the rights-based approach is important. But it continues to be based on the assumption that social exclusion of ethnic minorities is but an economic burden to society, as if eliminating social exclusion would balance the books and jump-start the economy. It does not take into account that social exclusion is a drawback to economic growth because it is seen as a static phenomenon rather than an investment opportunity. EU policy makers would gain by recognizing that ethnic minorities constitute an untapped asset to society, a dynamic force that is amenable, adjustable, and willing. There is no reason to believe that members of ethnic minorities have less energy than the rest of us. To tap into this energy, the rights-based approach alone will not do. It must go hand in hand with investment policies towards economic growth. If EU policy makers were to see ethnic minorities as a vital investment component in the quest for economic growth, perhaps the recovery of the Lisbon Strategy might speed up.
Topic:
Minorities, European Union, Ethnicity, Diversity, and Inclusion
Political Geography:
Europe

114. The Aspect of Culture in Promoting Social Inclusion in the European Union: Is the Open Method of Co-ordination (OMC) Working for Ethnic Minorities?

Author:
Tove H. Malloy
Publication Date:
09-2005
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI)
Abstract:
In the context of making the European economic area competitive while reaching certain social and economic goals, the 2000 European Council at Lisbon initiated an ambitious implementation scheme on its Social Agenda introducing the Open Method of Co-ordination (OMC) as an instrument to streamline and optimize Community and Member States’ policies. The OMC method is a ‘soft governance’ approach aimed at generating real political commitment and different types of norms, procedural as well as substantive, through a highly institutionalized process of information sharing, deliberation, monitoring and learning.1 The method was first introduced in the area of employment and has been followed by an OMC on Social Inclusion (OMC/Incl.). Other focus areas are social protection/pensions and health care. The OMC on employment has recently undergone a first evaluation, and the Commission is preparing to subject the OMC/Incl. to its first evaluation.2 No OMC focuses specifically on minority inclusion but the OMC/Incl. has developed into one of the key areas of European Union (EU) policy implementation that addresses the socioeconomic exclusion of members of ethnic and Roma/Sinti minorities.
Topic:
Economics, Regional Cooperation, Minorities, European Union, and Social Services
Political Geography:
Europe

115. Violence in Kosovo and the Way Ahead

Author:
Harald Schenker
Publication Date:
03-2004
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI)
Abstract:
The events of 17-19 March 2004 have shocked both the international community and local institutions: protests against the alleged killing of three ethnic Albanian children escalated into violent clashes between ethnic Albanians and Serbs, and clashes with the international peacekeeping forces in Kosovo, UN Police and the NATO-led Kosovo Force (KFOR). The past four years seemed to be characterised by relatively positive developments in Kosovo. However, the recent troubles that left over 28 civilians and 1 KFOR soldier dead and hundreds wounded, 3,600 Serbs displaced, 30 Serbian churches and 200 Serbian houses destroyed, show that current policies on the international and local sides will have to be examined and revised and that, generally, much remains to be done in Kosovo for sustainable peace and genuine development. The fact that Kosovo Albanian leaders were as surprised by the events as the international community seems to indicate that the origins of the event are to be found below the political level and beyond the control of the political parties. In spite of their public appeals to stop the violence, the leadership failed to fully acknowledge responsibility and to deal with events appropriately, without relating the violence to issues of independence and transfer of competences. The events also indicate that the optimistic analysis of Kosovo’s current situation needs revisiting. Consequently, security policy and relations between the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) and Kosovo’s Provisional Institutions of SelfGovernment (PISG) have to be reconsidered. It is too early to tell what exactly will be the consequences of events on UNMIK and PISG policies and activities, especially regarding the standards implementation plan and, more generally, the future of the province. A careful review of the political and security situation and of the roles of the parties involved should be encouraged.
Topic:
Minorities, Ethnicity, Conflict, Violence, and Diversity
Political Geography:
Europe and Kosovo

116. Cyprus after the Failure of the Annan-Plan

Author:
Jan Asmussen
Publication Date:
06-2004
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI)
Abstract:
On 24 April 2004 Greek and Turkish Cypriots decided in separate simultaneous referenda on whether or not Cyprus would join the European Union on 1 May 2004. While 64.91% of Turkish Cypriots accepted the Annan Plan, an overwhelming majority of 75.83% of Greek Cypriots rejected the UN blueprint. The extent of the Greek Cypriot “Oxi”(No) brought an end to a large scale effort by the United Nations Secretary-General to broker a final deal for a solution of the “oldest item continuously on the peacemaking agenda”.1 Apart from the UN, the United States (Special envoy: Thomas Weston), the United Kingdom (Special envoy: (Sir David Hannay) and the European Union have constantly observed and tried to facilitate the process. Consequently, there has been a great deal of disappointment among those engaged in finding a solution. The most outspoken comment came from EU Enlargement Commissioner, Günter Verheugen who on 21 April declared that he felt “cheated” by the Greek Cypriot Government. Kofi Annan’s latest report clearly puts most of the blame for the failure on the Greek Cypriot leader, Tassos Papadopoulos, and his government and stresses that “if the Greek Cypriots are ready to share power and prosperity with the Turkish Cypriots in a federal structure based on political equality, this needs to be demonstrated, not just in word, but in action.”3 Apparently, the international community never took the possibility of such an outcome into consideration. As a result, both the EU and the UN concentrated on pressuring the Turkish Cypriot side and Turkey to accept the UN Plan. At the same time no efforts were made to secure a more positive attitude by the Greek Cypriot leadership. Today the international community is in a stage of shock and has clearly not developed an alternative plan to cope with the new situation.
Topic:
International Cooperation, United Nations, Minorities, European Union, Leadership, Ethnicity, Diversity, and Peace
Political Geography:
Europe, Turkey, Greece, and Cyprus

117. A New Challenge for Kosovo’s Emerging Democracy. November 2004.

Author:
Adrian Zeqiri
Publication Date:
11-2004
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI)
Abstract:
On 23 October 2004, elections for the central institutions of Kosovo were held for the second time. According to CoE and OSCE observers, the elections were held in a free and fair environment and there were no irregularities in the process. Shortly after the publication of the election results, LDK (the largest party) and AAK, (a party stemming from former KLA structures) announced their decision to form a coalition government. This decision points to a number of new factors that may shape future political developments in Kosovo, set against a backdrop of urgent Standards implementation and future status negotiations. The NATO-led intervention in 1999 established the territory as a UN protectorate, under charge of the international community in all major spheres of life. Since then Kosovo has seen a gradual empowerment of local institutions over a period of four elections, both municipal and central. The 2004 central elections were organized largely by local institutions, reflecting the ability of Kosovo actors to successfully adopt responsibility for the running of the territory. Unlike the previous broad-based coalition government emerging from the 2001 elections, the recent agreement between LDK and AAK sees parties taking up positions of power and opposition within the new assembly. This constellation presents a new challenge for the fragile political environment of Kosovo. The international community may now be faced with a more confrontational political landscape and the more politicized Albanian politicians will be tested to function within this new arrangement. This report serves to analyse the election results and their implications for the formation of a Kosovo assembly. It will further discuss the impact of these developments in the current and upcoming intensive political period in Kosovo.
Topic:
Development, Minorities, Elections, and Democracy
Political Geography:
Europe and Kosovo

118. Monitoring Minority Protection in EU Member States

Publication Date:
07-2003
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Open Society Foundations
Abstract:
These documents, prepared by the EU Accession Monitoring Program of the Open Society Institute, assess the state of minority protection in 10 Central and Eastern European states seeking full membership in the European Union and in five current member states. The reports examine candidate states' implementation of their minority protection or integration programmes, and each state's laws, institutions, and practices relating to minority protection of Roma or Muslims.
Topic:
Islam, Law, Minorities, European Union, Civil Rights, Institutions, Political Rights, and Freedom of Religion
Political Geography:
Europe and Eastern Europe

119. The Spectre of Territorial Division and the Ohrid Agreement

Author:
Eben Friedman
Publication Date:
06-2003
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI)
Abstract:
Should stalling win out over implementation of the Framework Agreement, support within the ethnic Albanian population for radical groups outside of politics could increase, and recent converts to the political process might be propelled back into the realm of violent action.12 If non-implementation risks provoking violence on the part of segments of the ethnic Albanian population, however, so is inexpert implementation of the Framework Agreement likely to encourage violence on the part of radical ethnic Macedonian groups anxious to capitalize on popular discontent associated not only with the terms of the Framework Agreement, but also with the country’s dire economic situation. Moreover, both of these scenarios are likely to increase support for proposals to partition Macedonia, the liabilities of which have been discussed above. Thus, given the alternatives, it is crucial that the provisions of the Framework Agreement be implemented competently and in a timely manner.
Topic:
Minorities, Ethnicity, Conflict, Borders, and Diversity
Political Geography:
Europe and Macedonia

120. Constitutional Reform and the 'Spirit' of Bosnia and Herzegovina

Author:
Valery Perry
Publication Date:
02-2002
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI)
Abstract:
Critics of the General Framework Agreement for Peace (GFAP, or Dayton Peace Agreement) have been pointing out its inherent flaws and inconsistencies from the moment the terms became public, and the real challenges of implementation quickly became clear. For the past six years there have been calls to revisit, reform, or rewrite Dayton through a variety of suggested procedures. The most aggressive voices for change have suggested convening a meeting to develop a ‘Dayton II’, which would have as its main goal solidification of the peace, rather than just termination of the war. Instead, a more subtle approach has been in practice since 1997, when the High Representative’s powers were strengthened and his mandate effectively widened. Under a more aggressive implementation policy, the GFAP would be implemented not purely according to the letter of the accords, but according to ‘the spirit of Dayton’. Defining this ‘spirit’ has been controversial and challenging, and the current debate concerning the ref orm of the Entity Constitutions to comply with the Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) Constitutional Court’s decision on the status and equality of the constituent peoples in BiH will be a significant step in defining both the spirit of Dayton, as well as the spirit and character of BiH as a state. This brief explores this complex issue and its potential implications for local and international politicians in BiH. First, a short background on the Constitutional Court decision is presented. Second, the options currently under discussion are reviewed, within the framework of symmetrical and asymmetrical reform alternatives. Third, the broad relevance of this single issue to the larger issues concerning the legitimacy of the current organization of the state of BiH is considered.
Topic:
Treaties and Agreements, Minorities, Reform, Ethnicity, and Peace
Political Geography:
Europe and Bosnia and Herzegovina