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581. EU–ASEAN: Shared Objectives, Severed Trust

Author:
Hosuk Lee-Makiyama
Publication Date:
07-2023
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
European Centre for International Political Economy (ECIPE)
Abstract:
After 45 years of diplomatic dialogue, EU-ASEAN relations continue to dawdle, lacking real ambition or political will from either side to invest more in the relationship. Even after a recent upgrade in the relationship to a strategic partnership (and continued pressure from the business communities on both sides to do more),the potentialof the EU-ASEAN relationship is still not well understood by policymakers. Due to factors that are largely outside of EU’s control, the region-to-region engagement has settled on incrementalism on technical issues (like air transport) or selective bilateral engagement on trade and digital economy. Meanwhile, China has been making inroads with its Belt and Road Initiative; Japan leans on CPTPP and bilateral assistance, and the Biden administration has launched the IPEF. Due to the many trade disputes, it was no surprise that ASEAN granted strategic partner status to even Russia and New Zealand before considering the EU. The palm oil conflict with ASEANs largest democracies (Indonesia, Malaysia) has been allowed to escalate to a point where it can no longer be compartmentalised to a trade issue. The absence of actual economic injury among Malaysian and Indonesian farmers also proves that the palm oil conflict is not an economic issue that can be settled financially, but about high politics and a matter of principles. New EU legislation on due diligence for deforestation and corporate sustainability, market regulation on forced labour, carbon border adjustment measures, foreign subsidies, and data governance are likely to result in further retaliation and escalation. Rightly or wrongly, ASEAN democracies do not perceive that the EU has yet earned the right to be heard. Hence, the EU needs to be aware of how it projects its values and interests in the region, understanding that it does not command moral authority; or that ASEAN operates differently based on personal engagement between leaders and shared interests. Conversely, ASEAN leaders should not simply write off EU-engagement as a middle-management preoccupation due to its technical nature, but rather see the EU as a counterweight in the region. ASEAN as a collective can serve as a strategic and transformative instrument. Washington, Beijing, Tokyo, and even London, are all shifting their focus to the region, concluding that the race for influence over the Indo-Pacific ultimately boils down to influence over ASEAN.
Topic:
Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, European Union, Trade, and ASEAN
Political Geography:
Europe, Asia, and Indo-Pacific

582. European Economic Security and Access to Critical Raw Materials: Trade, Diversification, and the Role of Mercosur

Author:
Oscar Guinea and Vanika Sharma
Publication Date:
07-2023
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
European Centre for International Political Economy (ECIPE)
Abstract:
Access to secure and stable supply of critical raw materials (CRMs) is vital for Europe’s economic security. These raw materials, which are indispensable inputs for Europe’s modernisation, are supplied by a handful of countries. Among them, China and Russia are two of the most important European suppliers of CRMs. This dependency leaves the EU exposed to Chinese and Russian policies that may harm Europe’s economic and political interests. The European Commission has recently proposed a Critical Raw Materials Act with the objective of increasing domestic production of strategic raw materials (SRMs) – a subset of CRMs vital for the energy and digital transitions. However well-intentioned, most of the policies in the Act – which aim at producing more SRMs in Europe – are a red herring. While the EU needs to reduce its vulnerable dependence on some countries, the politics about the supply of CRMs have become hostage to manufacturing fetish, import-substitution ideas, and companies who want governments to subsidise their investments and growth. In reality, getting substantial amounts of Europe-produced SRMs to market will take years – if not decades – and new mines will face significant legal and environmental resistance. It is simply not realistic to expect that higher domestic production in the EU will reduce Europe’s current dependency on imported SRMs anytime soon. If it is economic security and reduced vulnerabilities that Europe wants, a different strategy is needed. There is a better alternative. Trade dependencies of CRMs can only be fought with more trade. One option exist already: the EU could diversify its supplies of CRMs away from China and Russia by trading more with other exporters of CRMs. Mercosur is an obvious partner to achieve this goal. Brazil, a member of Mercosur, is the largest supplier of SRMs to the EU by volume and the Mercosur countries are democratic market economies that are seeking deeper relations with Europe. To encourage trade and investment in CRMs across both regions, the EU-Mercosur Association Agreement includes binding provisions that will place the bilateral trade and investment relations under a more certain institutional arrangement. Other policies, such as those included in the EU’s CRM Act, can only complement but not substitute for a trade-oriented strategy to improve the structure of SRM supply.
Topic:
Treaties and Agreements, European Union, Trade, Economic Security, Mercosur, and Raw Materials
Political Geography:
Europe

583. Online Platform Regulation and Investment Attractiveness: A Look at the EU, the UK and Impacts on Small Open Economies

Author:
Matthias Bauer, Vanika Sharma, and Oscar du Roy
Publication Date:
08-2023
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
European Centre for International Political Economy (ECIPE)
Abstract:
Small trade- and investment-oriented economies like the United Kingdom (UK) should carefully consider whether to regulate online platform services based on presumptions rather than evidence that consumers are being harmed. Flimsily enforced platform regulation can have a chilling effect on investments in business expansion and innovation, particularly in technology-adopting industries. Several countries around the world are designing new competition policies that specifically target large digital platforms. The theory behind these policies is grey. There are political concerns about the impact of various aspects of platforms on society, especially regarding the collection and safety of data. However, practices that harm consumers – traditionally a key motivation of competition enforcement – are very rare. Indeed, the success stories of large tech platforms demonstrate that they offer strong benefits and conveniences to millions of business users across a wide range of industries. Marginal costs of supply, high-quality services, continuous technological advancements, and platforms’ ability to drive productivity growth have enabled especially small businesses to thrive and compete in domestic and international markets. Against this background, it is highly questionable why some governments, with the backing of power-seeking competition regulators, are aiming to legally interfere in services provided by large technology companies. An important consequence that has so far received little attention from policymakers and competition authorities is the impact of platform regulation on a country’s investment attractiveness. It is obvious that bans and restrictions on corporate conduct cause regulated companies to abstain from investments and establish new business elsewhere. What is less clear is the effect of regulation on investments by companies that extensively adopt platform services to reduce costs, speed-up innovation, and expand market opportunities. In this policy brief, we argue that access to integrated and internationally traded platform services is increasingly important for a country’s investment attractiveness, even more so for smaller countries. Access to advanced technologies and the utilisation of network effects create a virtuous cycle of economic opportunities, investments, value creation, and trade. Discretionary and presumption-based competition enforcement, as adopted in the EU, risks hurting smaller countries in particular. The EU has chosen the path of proscriptive and protective policymaking with the DMA to achieve industrial and trade policy goals rather than defending competition in the Single Market. UK competition policy risks being driven by institutional interests and ideological considerations, which could potentially lead to the adoption of a regulatory landscape that is even more restrictive than that of the EU, undermining Britain’s ambitions for economic and innovation leadership.
Topic:
Markets, European Union, Regulation, Economy, Investment, Trade, and Online Platforms
Political Geography:
United Kingdom and Europe

584. The Art of the Mini-Deals: The Invisible Part of EU Trade Policy

Author:
Lucian Cernat
Publication Date:
10-2023
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
European Centre for International Political Economy (ECIPE)
Abstract:
Trade policy is usually defined by the kinds of deals it can strike. Typically, the attention is focussed either on big multilateral trade rounds or on bilateral free trade agreements (FTAs). This policy brief goes beyond the conventional wisdom and sheds light on other trade agreements (trade mini-deals), which so far were less in the focus of EU trade experts and academics. The paper offers a preliminary assessment and a taxonomy of these trade mini-deals. The main takeaway is that there is a lot more going on than what meets the eye when it comes to EU trade policy. In reality, FTAs are just the tip of the trade policy iceberg. When taking a systematic look, it becomes apparent that FTAs are only one of the many trade policy instruments. Apart from FTAs, the EU has signed a much larger number of trade mini-deals that have, potentially, a significant impact on EU trade. The paper concludes with a short assessment of the role such mini-deals could play in the future, given the evolving nature of trade policy objectives and the growing complexity of international trade negotiations.
Topic:
Globalization, Treaties and Agreements, European Union, Trade, and WTO
Political Geography:
Europe

585. The Economic Impacts of the Proposed EUCS Exclusionary Requirements: Estimates for EU Member States

Author:
Matthias Bauer and Philipp Lamprecht
Publication Date:
10-2023
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
European Centre for International Political Economy (ECIPE)
Abstract:
The EU Agency for Network and Information Security (ENISA) is proposing a far-reaching “European Cybersecurity Certification Scheme for Cloud Services“ (EUCS) to be established in the European Union (EU). According to the latest draft of August 2023, leaked by Politico in September 2023, the proposed EUCS would by design prevent non-European vendors from providing “high assurance level” cloud services in the EU. In this study, we show that the proposed “immunity” requirements, i.e., foreign ownership and headquarter restrictions, local staff requirements, and data localisation would lead to significant losses in Member States’ aggregate economic activity and drive a big wedge between economic growth in the EU and the growth of non-EU economies. The projected losses in annual EU GDP will vary from EUR 610 billion to EUR 29 billion within approx. two years of implementation, contingent upon the specific sectoral coverage of high-assurance use cases under the cloud service evaluation level CS-EL4. The results fit into the overall picture of EU digital policy, which has weakened rather than strengthened the competitiveness of EU industries in the past. Our findings align with the broader impacts of EU digital policy, which runs the risk of exacerbating the growth gap and technology disparity between the EU and other advanced economies. Cloud services have become increasingly popular and integral to Europe’s economy. Cloud services are granting businesses of all sizes equal access to global data and resources, stimulating collaboration, and bolstering competitiveness. Advanced cloud services are levelling the playing field in domestic commerce and international trade. Smaller enterprises can harness advanced IT capabilities, particularly cloud-based supply chain management, to streamline their operations. Cloud computing solutions are also playing a crucial role in modernising public services, offering transformative potential for government administrations and service quality. Cloud services adoption is expected to grow substantially in the years ahead, driven by data analytics, AI applications as well as quantum and edge commuting solutions. The global cloud computing market is on a rapid growth trajectory and is expected to reach some EUR 2,080 billion by 2030. Industry forecasts indicate that cloud services and transversal cloud-based technologies like AI applications, quantum, and edge computing will experience consistent growth in innovation and are increasingly finding broader applications across various industries. Overall, the global market for IT services is highly competitive and dynamic, with global cloud service providers competing against a broad range of IT service providers of varying scale, including on-premises hardware vendors, private and co-located data centre providers and software providers. Despite showing a trade deficit in international cloud services trade, trade in ICT and digitally enabled services is not a one-way-street for the EU. Recent trade data reveals that the total value of EU exports in digital and digitally enabled services to the rest of the world is roughly equivalent to the total value of EU imports from the rest of the world. This balance in trade is also observed in EU digital trade with the US, where EU exports of ICT services to the US nearly match US exports of digital services to the EU. The proposed EUCS exclusionary requirements entail various negative consequences. As recognised by the European Commission’s latest progress report on digitisation in the EU, European companies have yet to reach the “Digital Decade” targets, especially when it comes to embracing cloud-supported technologies such as AI and big data, as the adoption of digital technologies remains significantly below these objectives.[1] Exclusionary requirements would create operational inefficiencies and increased production costs for cloud services providers and cloud adopters. They would undermine investments in the domestic economy, resulting in reduced international trade, competition, and innovation. The imposition of exclusionary requirements by the EU could create a domino effect of restrictions caused by retaliation and protectionism. Data localisation and nationality requirements stifle innovation and competition, particularly in data-driven industries. The creation of redundant capacities in the EU would have adverse environmental impacts, including increased energy consumption, land use, and electronic waste. Immunity requirements would increase rather than mitigate cybersecurity risks, creating a security deficit for EU cloud adopters that lose access to proven global risk detection and prevention solutions. This study provides estimates of potential GDP and industry output effects from the implementation of exclusionary requirements under the proposed EUCS framework.[2] It is shown that the strict “immunity” requirements in the EUCS cybersecurity certification framework would severely limit European customers’ access to advanced technologies, innovation and global ICT industry growth trends. The study’s findings highlight the significant economic consequences of potential restrictions on access to global cloud services across three scenarios of different sectoral coverage. It is shown that even in the least restrictive scenario, where “immunity” requirements would only be applied to a narrow spectrum of sectors and highly critical use cases, the reduction in the EU’s annual GDP could be substantial. In scenario 1 (broad critical sector coverage), reflecting political demands of the current French government, the EU’s annual GDP is projected to decrease by 3.9% when accounting for lost cloud capacities and forgone cloud capacity and productivity growth, within 2 years of implementation. For scenario 2 (medium critical sector coverage) and scenario 3 (narrow critical sector coverage), the estimated annual losses in GDP amount to -2% and -0.2%, respectively. In terms of current EU GDP, annual losses would amount to EUR 610 billion, EUR 317 billion, and EUR 29 billion, respectively, underscoring the significant magnitude of the potential impacts. For the broad critical sector coverage scenario, our results also show that the EU’s annual GDP losses accumulate over longer periods of time. After 5 years following the implementation of exclusionary EUCS requirements, the annual growth losses for the EU and its Member States remain significant. This is due to the inability of European businesses and the EU’s public sector to tap into the worldwide innovation and productivity gains offered by globally accessible technologies and services. For the EU, we estimate the annual GDP loss to be -3.6%, with a trend to further accumulate in subsequent years.
Topic:
Science and Technology, European Union, Cybersecurity, Digital Economy, and Digitization
Political Geography:
Europe

586. A Forward-Thinking Approach to Open Strategic Autonomy: Navigating EU Trade Dependencies and Risk Mitigation

Author:
Matthias Bauer, Oscar du Roy, and Vanika Sharma
Publication Date:
11-2023
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
European Centre for International Political Economy (ECIPE)
Abstract:
For the EU, fostering economic interdependence is a more proactive and forward-thinking approach than resorting to defensive measures like eliminating alleged economic dependencies through restrictive regulations, as such actions would negatively impact Member States’ economies. The European Commission and some Member State governments keep pushing for “EU Open Strategic Autonomy”. Several EU laws have already been infused with the concept, resulting in a broad spectrum of EU interferences in production, trade, and investment in the Member States. With the “Resilient EU2030 Report on Open Strategic Autonomy”, the Spanish Presidency of the Council of the EU in September 2023 presented a new roadmap for how to further reduce external dependencies and strengthen EU technological leadership.[1] Similarly, implementing the EU’s Economic Security Strategy initiative, the European Commission presented a list of 10 critical technology sectors aiming to reduce potential economic dependencies and the risk of economic coercion.[2] This paper shows that EU claims about trade dependencies are not supported by trade data. Except for only few products, such as minerals and energy commodities, there are no critical dependencies on products and services imported from outside the EU. Regarding technology leadership, financial transfers for intellectual property rights indicate that EU businesses and public sectors institutions are benefiting much from advanced foreign technologies and innovation. Many if not most of these technologies are crucial for the EU’s international competitiveness, and they cannot easily be replaced by native EU production. At the same time, the EU is a significant exporter of technologies, including ICT and digitally enabled services that are not easily replaceable by non-EU countries. Policymakers should acknowledge the presence of these mutually beneficial interdependencies, as they can act as a hedge against risks like policy-induced disruptions in value chains and economic coercion. EU policymaking needs to recognise that trade and investment interdependencies, which include advanced technologies, are unavoidable. Trade interdependencies are critically important for maintaining competitive economies and high living standards in the EU. To mitigate potential risks, the EU should promote trade and investment relationships with trustworthy and like-minded partners, such as the US and OECD countries. EU policymakers should leverage trade interdependencies by increasing the competitiveness of EU exports, which act as a safeguard against dependency and the risk of economic coercion. Rather than limiting imports, the EU and Member State governments should initiate supply-oriented structural reforms to enhance the capacity and efficiency of production factors within the EU, which would ultimately bolster Europe’s export performance.
Topic:
International Trade and Finance, Treaties and Agreements, European Union, and Strategic Autonomy
Political Geography:
Europe

587. The Imperative of International Cooperation for EU Competitiveness and Resilience in Technology-Driven Industries

Author:
Matthias Bauer, Renata Zilli, and Dyuti Pandya
Publication Date:
11-2023
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
European Centre for International Political Economy (ECIPE)
Abstract:
The EU must embrace international cooperation and collaboration in technology-driven industries to ensure competitiveness and global relevance, while also considering the drawbacks of isolationist policies. The EU’s commitment to open markets and global cooperation has historically been its strength, and EU policymakers should continue to prioritise on these principles. Global markets, international R&D collaboration and global industry-led standards are crucial for innovation and efficiency in technology-intensive industries. Various sectors, including pharmaceuticals, ICT, aerospace, and defence, heavily rely on global partnerships to stay competitive and advance technologically. International cooperation in economic and security affairs, as exemplified by EU participation in global value chains of advanced semiconductors, the traditional EU approach to industry-led technology standardisation, and EU involvement in the international F-35 fighter development program, is critical for leveraging industry expertise, sharing technological advancements, and collectively addressing challenges in strategic sectors, thereby enhancing Europe’s economic resilience and security capabilities. Trust and legal certainty form the foundation for international partnerships in high-tech and defence sectors. Collaborations among like-minded partners enable secure information sharing, intellectual property protection, financial commitments, and compliance with regulations, while ensuring adherence to key EU values like human rights and the rule of law.
Topic:
International Cooperation, Science and Technology, European Union, Trade, Resilience, and Competition
Political Geography:
Europe

588. Artificial Intelligence and the Clustering of Human Capital: The Risks for Europe

Author:
Erik van der Marel
Publication Date:
12-2023
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
European Centre for International Political Economy (ECIPE)
Abstract:
Europe trails the global frontier of productivity growth and the region’s trend is sluggish. Much prospective economic growth for Europe is likely to come from AI and its adoption by European firms which is projected to shoot up the productivity trend. For such AI-generated growth to work, high levels of human capital need to be available for firms, in particular Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics (STEM) graduates. However, much of this human capital for AI is leaving Europe and the region experiences a net outflow when it comes to the skills required to make AI work. Moreover, the spread of both human capital and AI is very uneven within Europe, with some in the West spearheading whilst others in the East are trailing. This paper shows that those regions in Europe that successfully have invested in human capital in the past explain more than one-third of AI adoption by their firms a decade later. Furthermore, this persistent trend is driven by the most human capital-intense firms as they explain more than 50 percent of the observed adoption of AI across Europe. The clustering of human capital is very persistent over time and those that lag in human capital now will weigh down Europe’s ability in generating AI-related growth in the future. This will likely have long-lasting effects for Europe as a whole, defining its capacity to catch up to the global frontier or amplifying the region’s slow-moving growth and productivity trend. Policy makers who are serious about creating growth in the future on the back of AI should therefore invest in human capital now, or else Europe will further fall behind.
Topic:
European Union, Economic Growth, Human Capital, and Artificial Intelligence
Political Geography:
Europe

589. Climate Change and Trade to the EU Priority Sectors for Policy Intervention in South Africa

Author:
Jason F. Bell, Sumayya Goga, and Nishal Robb
Publication Date:
07-2023
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
Centre for Business and Development Studies (CBDS), Copenhagen Business School
Abstract:
The deepening climate crisis has resulted in countries instituting a range of measures to curb emissions. The European Union (EU) has the most advanced climate policies, captured under the umbrella of its European Green Deal (EGD). While many of the measures being implemented impact countries within the EU, the measures are expected to impact Europe’s trading partners. The impacts on trading partners is occurring through changing regulations and policies such as the Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM), shifting consumer preferences, and impacts through value chains as a result of changing competitiveness of end products. EGD policies are forcing trading partners to the EU to adjust and decarbonise production processes, measure and report on emissions and other sustainability criteria, and, in some cases, even transform sectors to retain market share (the move towards electric vehicles). These policies include, among others, carbon taxes through the CBAM, the move towards electric vehicles in order to curb emissions, and a range of measures within the food sector. Together, these policies bring significant changes in the global trading system and the functioning of value chains. The costs associated with adjusting to these policies are high. Furthermore, these costs need to be borne by developing countries over and above the adaptation costs.
Topic:
Foreign Policy, Climate Change, Development, European Union, and Trade
Political Geography:
Africa, Europe, and South Africa

590. The Comeback of Industrial Policy. The Next Geopolitical Great Game

Author:
Alessandro Gili, Davide Tentori, and Paola Magri
Publication Date:
12-2023
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Italian Institute for International Political Studies (ISPI)
Abstract:
Industrial policies are the key element underlying today’s geopolitical scramble and a pillar of national security. Reacting to Western weaknesses and bottlenecks in the global supply chains, highlighted by multiple shocks such as the pandemic, the war in Ukraine, and the recent Israel-Hamas war, the US in first place and the EU later have started to introduce new industrial legislation aimed at making up for lost ground with respect to other industrial powerhouses, such as China. Besides being policy tools to accelerate the green and digital transitions, however, the US Inflation Reduction Act and the Net Zero Industry Act, as well as the US and the EU Chips Acts, entail subsidies, local content requirements and export controls targeted at strengthening the domestic industrial base for critical technologies, fostering strategic autonomy and de-risking from excessive foreign dependencies. This race poses risks for the weaponisation of industrial policies and fragmentation of international trade and also potentially jeopardises technological development. How can we strike a balance between economic security and efficiency? Which sectors are the most critical and which ones are the leading global powers pursuing? What will the consequences be for global value chains and international trade? Is it possible to reach an agreement on rules for a new level playing field to prevent economic competition turning into economic warfare?
Topic:
Development, Industrial Policy, National Security, Science and Technology, European Union, Geopolitics, Trade, and Supply Chains
Political Geography:
China, Europe, and United States of America