Search

Begin New Search Political Geography Europe Journal National Security and Defence

21. Ukraine's European Integration: Internal Factors and External Influences

Author:
Valeriya Klymenko
Publication Date:
01-2013
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
National Security and Defence
Institution:
Razumkov Centre
Abstract:
Today, making an ultimate choice over its integration path is a sensitive and highly pressing issue for Ukraine. In November 2013, the 3rd summit of the Eastern Partnership in Vilnius is to see the signing of the Association Agreement, which aims for political association and economic integration, including a deep and comprehensive free trade area. This is a qualitatively new level of cooperation between Kyiv and Brussels based on strategic perspective. In fact, the Agreement will mark the start of implementing the far-reaching reforms in different sectors of domestic life in Ukraine designed to draw the country closer to meeting the standards of a state-candidate for accession to the EU. Apparently, the success of the Agreement remains conditional on joint efforts on behalf of the authorities, opposition, civil institutions, and Ukrainian society in general. One should keep in mind that the signing of the Agreement will give a start to the long process of its ratification by national parliaments of the EU countries. However, there exists a real opportunity to ensure practical implementation of some items of the document in the near future, which will give an impetus to strengthening contacts between Kyiv and Brussels and promote internal transformations in Ukraine. If the document is not signed or implemented too slowly and inconsistently, as was the case with prior arrangements with the EU, Ukraine will lose its historic opportunity. Meanwhile, the Customs Union countries (first of all, Russia) step up efforts to have Ukraine join that alliance, and later – the Eurasian Economic Union. That said, the Customs Union leaders see the Memorandum of Deeper Integration between Ukraine and the Eurasian Economic Commission signed on 31 May 2013, as the first step on the road to Ukraine’s Eurasian integration. The two processes – preparations for signing of the Association Agreement with the EU on the one hand, and new attempts of Russia to involve Ukraine in the Eurasian integration on the other – happen to coincide in time. At that, representatives of both the EU and the Customs Union speak of a need for a clear choice – Ukraine has to either sign the Agreement of Association with the EU, or join the Customs Union. Integration projects of Brussels and Moscow in the post-Soviet space differ in nature, substance and goals. Russia, while trying to create a regional structure counterbalancing the EU on the European continent, uses “energy incentives” to seduce Ukraine. At that, no attention has been paid to ensuring democratic nature of the country’s development. For Brussels, proper democracy, civil society, rule of law, independent judicial system and respect for human rights and freedoms have always played a decisive role in bringing Ukraine closer to European integration. Choosing between two integration lines means choosing between different basic and fundamental values, between two different models of Ukraine’s further development. Ukraine either joins the EU uniting European countries on the basis of European norms, rules and standards, or becomes a member of a union of post-Soviet states with transitional economies and numerous problems with democracy. Ukraine’s European choice is strongly influenced by a number of internal and external factors. The internal factors hindering Ukraine’s movement towards the EU include the practice of selective justice, weak electoral legislation, lack of real anti-corruption efforts, and slow pace of reforms envisaged by the Association Agenda. Solving these problems has been prioritised by the EU. The same was indicated in the conclusions of the EU Council of Ministers (10 December 2012) and the so-called “Füle list”, released later. The external factors include strong geopolitical influence exerted on Ukraine by both the EU and Russia. Today, this influence is growing with Moscow and Brussels showing strong willingness to see Ukraine join their integration projects. The analysis of the situation cited in this report shows that the European way of development best of all goes in line with national interests of Ukraine. It is also evident that Ukraine’s European choice should not be an alternative to the development of mutually advantageous, equal and transparent relations in different sectors with countries of the Customs Union, first of all – Russia.
Topic:
Security, Defense Policy, Energy Policy, European Union, and Regional Integration
Political Geography:
Europe and Ukraine

22. The Role of International Organizations in the National Security of Ukraine

Author:
Valeriya Klymenko
Publication Date:
01-2013
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
National Security and Defence
Institution:
Razumkov Centre
Abstract:
On 17 September 2013, Kyiv hosted the International Conference “The Role of International Organisations in the National Security of Ukraine”. The Conference was organised by the Razumkov Centre jointly with the NATO Liaison Office in Ukraine and the Ukrainian Diplomatic Academy under the auspices of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, and with the support from the Embassies of Norway, Poland and Switzerland in Ukraine and the Ministry of Defence of Estonia. The event had taken place two months before the EU Eastern Partnership Summit in Vilnius, where Ukraine and the EU were supposed to sign the Association Agreement. After long and tough talks between the Ukrainian authorities and European partners, the parties came close to an uneasy compromise. It seemed that the willingness to sign the Agreement – at least on the part of Ukraine – was beyond doubt. Almost all the panellists, despite some reservations, expressed their confidence in the strategic importance of such a step for Ukraine’s future. Furthermore, the time was approaching to sum up the results of Ukraine’s chairmanship in the OSCE – one of the leading international organisations dealing with European security issues. That is why, the Conference has become an important element of fervent discussions both in Ukraine and abroad about the future of security and sustainable development in Europe. The agenda proposed by the Conference organisers covered different security domains: military, economic, humanitarian, and energy sector. Despite a specific subject matter allocated to each panel and the appropriate selection of participants, all the aspects were closely interwoven during the discussions, which directly reflected the nature of current threats and challenges and complex interconnections of different security aspects. To ensure a productive discussion, the Razumkov Centre prepared the Discussion Paper based on the Expert Meeting of 24 July 2013, which involved representatives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, the Ministry of Defence of Ukraine, the National Institute for Strategic Studies, leading non-governmental think-tanks (NOMOS Centre, the Institute for Euro-Atlantic Cooperation, the Centre for International Studies, Uniworld International Foundation), along with the results of an expert survey and public opinion survey. This issue of journal contains: Discussion Paper prepared for the International Conference; Expert assessments of Ukraine’s cooperation with international organisations; Public opinion on some aspects of Ukraine’s foreign and security policy; Conference Participants’ presentations; Articles by the military-political experts.
Topic:
Foreign Policy, NATO, International Organization, National Security, and Public Opinion
Political Geography:
Europe and Ukraine

23. Land Reform in Ukraine

Author:
Valeriya Klymenko
Publication Date:
01-2012
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
National Security and Defence
Institution:
Razumkov Centre
Abstract:
Land reform in Ukraine lasts for over 20 years now – slow, contradictory, with numerous violations of interests and rights of rural workers and existing laws. During 1990’s - early 2000’s, most of the villagers became the owners of land parcels, but were left with no means for land cultivation and no funds for their purchase (in particular, due to the loss of savings and galloping inflation in the early 1990’s, as well as due to a time-gap between distribution of former collective lands and the actual distribution of collective farms property among the new landowners). As a result, the villagers – sometimes not voluntarily and not always to the tenant of their choice – were forced to lease out their lands. According to the Razumkov Centre’s survey results, as of February 2012, about 52% of landowners leased out their land parcels, and only 7% of them were fully satisfied with leasing terms, another 7% – did not really know who they lease out their land to, 36% – were unaware how much their tenants should be paying them. At the same time, private ownership rights to land of rural workers are not absolute, since the disposal of land is restricted to inheritance and/or sale for public or community needs. As a result, no one is entitled to buy an agricultural land. This situation has emerged as a result of the moratorium on sale and purchase of agricultural land, introduced in 1992. It remains in power for over 20 years now. During this time, the issue of agricultural land market – one of the most controversial and politicized issues in Ukraine – has been widely discussed. However, even today, it seems there is no actual or expected consensus on the issue either in the society or among political forces.
Topic:
Government, Public Policy, Land Reform, and Farmers
Political Geography:
Europe and Ukraine

24. Eu-Ukraine-Russia Relations: Problems and Prospects

Author:
Valeriya Klymenko
Publication Date:
01-2012
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
National Security and Defence
Institution:
Razumkov Centre
Abstract:
T oday, relations between Kyiv, Brussels and Moscow are rather complex and contradictory. High degree of uncertainty, the credibility gap and conflict of interests are its main features. Contacts between the parties are burdened with ideological opposition, “frozen” conflicts, and competing integration projects in the post-Soviet area. The relations between the EU, Russia and Ukraine in political, economic, energy, security and humanitarian spheres are rather problematic. This situation creates additional risks for the European security, does not correspond to the parties’ interests and requires some joint measures and mutually accepted solutions to the issues on the agenda.
Topic:
International Relations, National Security, European Union, Economy, Regional Integration, and Strategic Interests
Political Geography:
Russia, Europe, and Ukraine

25. Ukrainian Parliamentarianism, Parliament and 2012 Rada Elections

Author:
Valeriya Klymenko
Publication Date:
01-2012
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
National Security and Defence
Institution:
Razumkov Centre
Abstract:
F ormation of parliamentarism in Ukraine has been a long and complex process reflecting all the difficulties of structuring the Ukrainian society, imperfect state and party building, and improper political and legal culture of national politics. Now, the country goes through an electoral campaign for the seventh Parliament. However, there are no grounds to speak of established principles and correspondence of the national parliamentarism to democratic standards, a stable legislative framework for parliamentary elections and constitutional status, powers and functions of parliament. Almost every election campaign has taken place under a new law, which changes not only the procedures but also the electoral system; the Parliament’s role and place in the national system of state governance also has been changing. The latest change occurred as the result of reinstatement of Ukraine’s Constitution in the wording of 1996 in 2010. The Verkhovna Rada of the 6th convocation gave consent to that act, having initiated dangerous trends of gradual weakening of the constitutional status of the Ukrainian Parliament, narrowing its powers, and enhancing its accountability to the President. At the same time, there have been trends toward declining quality of legislative process, and deteriorating performance of its representative, statuary and supervisory functions by the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine. All this has led to a critically low level of public support for the parliamentary activity, which, according to the polls, barely exceeded 4% last year. Such a situation may discredit in the eyes of the Ukrainian society the very concept of parliamentarism as a political institution and democratic principles of state governance as a whole. In such conditions, the importance of the ongoing parliamentary elections has been increasing. Their results will effectively determine the fate of the Ukrainian parliamentarism and key features of further foreign and domestic policy of the country.
Topic:
Elections, Domestic Politics, Parliamentarism, and Parliament
Political Geography:
Europe and Ukraine

26. Ukraine’s Foreign Policy: Gains, Problems, and Prospects

Author:
Yevhen Shulha
Publication Date:
01-2010
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
National Security and Defence
Institution:
Razumkov Centre
Abstract:
Among the main tasks and functions of the foreign policy, I wish in the first place to mention the following. First, the foreign policy is to provide reliable external guarantees for national security, state sovereignty and territorial integrity. Second, the authorities’ actions on the international arena should concentrate on creation of a comprehensive effective system to protect the rights of Ukrainian citizens abroad. Third, the foreign policy is to utmost promote the national economy development, secure a decent place for Ukraine in the international division of labour, promote interests of domestic business on the world markets. And finally – Ukraine’s action in the foreign policy should be consistent, predictable, responsible and clear for our partners both in the West and in the East. Effective attainment of those tasks requires, on one hand, internal stability, consolidation of the lead political forces and institutes of governance, which will ensure public legitimacy of the foreign political course. On the other – optimal, balanced and clearly coordinated mechanisms of foreign political activity need to be created. Unfortunately, recently, those preconditions have not been fully provided in Ukraine. The Foreign Ministry was working in difficult conditions of domestic instability and under the influence of the global economic crisis. But even in such conditions, the foreign office managed to achieve substantial gains and improve the situation in the main foreign policy domains. However, along with gains, Ukraine’s foreign policy now faces a number of challenges that, in absence of an adequate response, can bring about unfavourable trends and hinder attainment of Ukraine’s national interests. Reversal of those trends presents an urgent and priority task for the new government formed in Ukraine after the 2010 presidential elections.
Topic:
Foreign Policy, National Security, and Sovereignty
Political Geography:
Europe and Ukraine

27. Ukraine-Russia Relations in the Energy Sector: Status, Recent Development Trends, and Prospects

Author:
Yevhen Shulha
Publication Date:
01-2010
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
National Security and Defence
Institution:
Razumkov Centre
Abstract:
Separation of Ukraine-Russia bilateral relations in the energy sector is rather conventional, since they objectively fit into the relations of both countries with a third party – first of all, countries of Europe (in particular, the EU) as consumers of energy resources transported across the territory of Ukraine. Therefore, both from the viewpoint of the process chain (producer – transit state – consumer) and from the economy viewpoint (seller – provider of transportation services – buyer) those relations should be viewed in a trilateral format.1 More than that, it may be argued that problems stockpiled in that sector of relations between Ukraine and Russia and in Europe in general may be solved solely in such trilateral format.2 On the other hand, since early 2000s Russia has been insistently pursuing a policy translating relations with partners in the energy sector into a bilateral format where it is usually stronger and uses that advantage to defend and promote its interests and/or the interests of its state monopolies and separate financial-industrial groups. That is why there are grounds to view the Ukraine-Russia relations in the energy sector as bilateral, but with account of presence of a third party there, first of all, the EU, as Ukraine declares its integration in it and is now engaged in formulation of common norms and rules of the European energy markets. This section briefly outlines interim results and problems of the Ukraine-Russia relations in the oil, gas and nuclear sectors – more interrelated and interdependent than other domains of the energy sector.
Topic:
International Cooperation, Oil, Bilateral Relations, Nuclear Energy, and Energy
Political Geography:
Russia, Europe, and Ukraine

28. Swedish model of social and economic development

Author:
Maryna Melnyk
Publication Date:
01-2009
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
National Security and Defence
Institution:
Razumkov Centre
Abstract:
Although Ukraine and Sweden have had close historic ties and maintain an active dialogue now, Ukrainians still little know of that Nordic country. It remains a secret for many our compatriots, what prompted the two geographically remote nations to ally 300 years ago, when the fate of our independence was decided, and to be partners today, when the fate of Ukraine’s European future is at stake. Answers to those questions may be found in both rational and irrational domains, but the undisputed fact is that Ukraine and Sweden are united by something more than the national colours.
Topic:
Defense Policy, Development, Energy Policy, Bilateral Relations, Partnerships, and Modernization
Political Geography:
Europe, Ukraine, and Sweden

29. Present-day challenges to Ukraine’s security

Author:
Yevhen Shulha
Publication Date:
01-2009
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
National Security and Defence
Institution:
Razumkov Centre
Abstract:
Over the past decade, the global security environment saw deep changes that prompted the conclusion of a deficit of security on all levels and speculations of a new Cold War. So-called “new threats” (along with reinstitution of “old” ones) acquired an integral character and demonstrated an extreme speed of spread to entire regions and the whole world. Meanwhile, difficult processes associated with emergence of new centres of influence, along with changes in the list of the leading world actors, led to restoration and toughening of geopolitical competition and brought about aggravation of “frozen” conflicts and emergence of new conflict areas, including in the Euro-Atlantic space. Trends of the decade brought growth of Russia’s ambitions of regional and global leadership and creation of a “privileged” area of its interests in the post-Soviet space. To push its position, Moscow resorted to economic pressure, used energy resources as a tool of foreign policy, “encouraged interest” of separate states and their officials in supporting its positions and initiatives, including those concerning third parties. All this caused tension in the relations between Russia and the EU, USA and NATO. The security sector saw ever hotter disputes about NATO enlargement, deployment of ABM elements in Europe, the Balkan events, the military campaign in Afghanistan, etc; on the European side, the problem of Russia joining the European Energy Charter and its Treaty, the Eastern Partnership initiative, plans of joint participation in reconstruction of the Ukrainian gas transportation system came to the forefront. Those processes not only caused a new confrontation between Russia and the West but also revealed the lack of unity between the USA and the EU, within the EU and NATO on many security issues, including building relations with Russia. That was largely prompted by difficult internal processes, related: in the EU – with its expansion and structural and institutional changes under the Lisbon Treaty, in NATO – with problems of functional, structural and resource sufficiency and different opinions as to the ways and goals of the Alliance transformation. Finally, Russia’s suspension of the 1990 Treaty on Conventional Forces in Europe, legislative establishment of possible use of its Armed Forces outside Russian borders and its role in the Caucasian conflict in August 2008 questioned the effectiveness of the international European and the whole Euro-Atlantic security system, resting on the Helsinki agreements, arrangements and guarantees of 1990s. Ukraine found itself in an especially vulnerable situation, from the security viewpoint.3
Topic:
International Relations, Defense Policy, and National Security
Political Geography:
Europe and Ukraine

30. State land policy in Ukraine: standing and development strategy

Author:
Maryna Melnyk
Publication Date:
01-2009
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
National Security and Defence
Institution:
Razumkov Centre
Abstract:
Ukraine possesses vast land resources. As of January 1, 2009, its land stock amounted to 60,354.8 thousand hectares, or almost 6% of the European territory1 . In particular, farming land accounted for nearly 19% of the European, arable land – almost 27%. Per capita area of farming land in Ukraine is the highest among the European countries – 0.9 hectares, including 0.7 hectares of arable land (against the European average of 0.44 and 0.25 hectares, respectively). Black soil in Ukraine, according to different estimates, occupies from 15.6 to 17.4 million hectares, or nearly 8% of the world stock. By and large, at the beginning of 2000s, the standard monetary value of land resources in Ukraine was estimated at UAH 330 trillion2 . Meanwhile, the structure of the land resources and land use shows rather serious disparities whose deepening may pose a threat to the quality of the natural and life environment, and the effectiveness of the business activity, i.e., sustainable development of the national economy. For instance, Ukraine demonstrates an extremely high rate of development of the life environment: over 92% of its territory is involved in economic circulation, and only some 8% (4.5 million hectares) is in its natural state. The tillage rate of the territory is similarly high – over 54% (in developed European countries – no more than 35%). The actual forest rate of the Ukrainian territory is only 16%, which is insufficient for the environmental balance (European average – 25-30%). The territory under surface waters steadily goes down (from 1991 – by 12.5 thousand hectares), further aggravating the problem of shortage of water resources in Ukraine. There are problems in land relations, whose reformation, commenced in 1991, is not over. Respectively, creation of the land legislation, registers and databases necessary to ensure land ownership rights and effective control of observance of the norms and rules of proper land use remain unaccomplished. In such situation, the quality of the state land policy, its effectiveness, professionalism, correspondence to principles of proper management of the national land resources acquire particular importance. Discussed below are some features of the state land policy and its main problems hindering effective use of the main national wealth – land, free access to that wealth for individuals and legal entities, unconditional respect for ownership rights.
Topic:
Development, Natural Resources, Governance, Land Rights, and Land
Political Geography:
Europe and Ukraine