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521. The Global Exchange (Fall 2018)

Author:
Adam Frost, David J. Bercuson, Andrea Charron, James Fergusson, Robert Hage, Robert Huebert, Petra Dolata, Hugh Segal, Heidi Tworek, Vanja Petricevic, Kyle Matthews, and Brian Kingston
Publication Date:
09-2018
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
The Global Exchange
Institution:
Canadian Global Affairs Institute (CGAI)
Abstract:
The fundamental rules of conventional sovereignty are that states will refrain from intervening in the internal affairs of other states, are afforded the right to determine their own domestic authority structures and are freely able to decide what international agreements they choose to enter or not. In principle these concepts have been widely accepted, but are often violated in practice. While conventional sovereignty would appear favourable in theory, realistically, the domestic affairs and foreign policy decisions of states can and do have consequences for others. Poor governance in one state can produce regional instability, from uncontrolled migration across borders, uncontrolled arms trade and other illicit trafficking or the rise of militant nonstate actors. Economic, environmental and health policies of one state can affect the food, water, health and economic security of another. These transnational issues are increasingly complex because the world is more globalized than ever before. No state exists in a vacuum. Therefore, it is often within a state’s interest to influence the policy decisions of its neighbours. Pragmatism often trumps abstract theoretical ideals. The lead package of this issue examines the challenges of securing Canada’s sovereignty from modern threats. When discussing Canadian sovereignty the Arctic will invariably be mentioned, and indeed is the focus of fully half of this edition. David Bercuson, Andrea Charron and James Fergusson argue that the perceived threats to Canada’s sovereignty in the Arctic are overblown, resulting in alarmist rhetoric. Robert Hage, Rob Huebert and Petra Dolata, however, content that Canada must be vigilant if it does not wish to erode sovereign control of its Arctic territory. Going beyond the arctic circle, Hugh Segal and Heidi Tworek discuss the challenges of defending against hybrid threats and outline possible steps in response to such perils. From coordinating with our closest allies to no longer tolerate attacks against the integrity of our most valued institutions, to increasing transparency of activities and strengthen public trust in Canadian democracy via domestic measures. Finally, this package concludes on the issue of border control. Vanja Petricevic discusses the shortcomings of Canada’s current management of asylum seekers and how the concept of sovereignty is being adapted to address modern migration challenges. While Kyle Matthews asserts the importance of holding Canadian citizens responsible for their actions abroad because to do otherwise is not only dangerous, but an affront to Canadian ideals. Contemporary transnational challenges are complex and dynamic. The climate is changing, technology is enabling previously unimaginable feats, and global demographics and migration are creating new points of contention. If Canada is to navigate these issues, and defend its sovereignty, it must work closely with its international partners and ensure that it is capable and willing to stand on guard for thee.
Topic:
Defense Policy, NATO, Sovereignty, Immigration, Governance, Elections, Islamic State, Diversification, Trade, and Donald Trump
Political Geography:
China, Canada, North America, Arctic, and United States of America

522. Safeguarding Australia's Security Interests Through Closer Pacific Ties

Author:
Greg Colton
Publication Date:
04-2018
Content Type:
Commentary and Analysis
Institution:
Lowy Institute for International Policy
Abstract:
Greater Australian engagement in the Pacific Islands region is needed if Canberra wants to ensure regional stability and underpin Australia’s national security. Inconsistent engagement by Australia, the United States, France and New Zealand in the Pacific Islands region has created space that non-traditional powers have exploited to engage with sovereign Pacific Island states. There is an increasing risk of geostrategic competition in the region, particularly with the growing influence of China and the economic leverage it holds over some indebted Pacific Island nations. The Australian Government should pursue a deliberate strategy of forging stronger links with its traditional partners in the region, and more equitable partnerships with its Pacific Island neighbours, if it is to underpin regional stability and strengthen Australia’s national security.
Topic:
International Relations, National Security, Regional Cooperation, Geopolitics, and Economy
Political Geography:
China, France, Australia, Asia-Pacific, and United States of America

523. PeSCo – Anything There for European Defence?

Author:
Sandro Knezović
Publication Date:
02-2018
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Institute for Development and International Relations (IRMO)
Abstract:
The European strategic landscape has changed dramatically over the course of the last decade. The post-Cold War mantra about the obsolescence of conventional threats in the wider European space proved to be short-sighted with developments at its eastern �lanks, while security dysfunctions in the MENA region and their immanent consequences for the safety of European citizens have loaded a heavy burden on compromise-building and decision-making in the �ield of the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) of the EU. Furthermore, the approach of the new US administration to European security and the strategic consequences of Brexit have changed the wider framework in which security of 'the Old Continent' is to be determined, hence stimulating European leaders to rethink European security in a strive for strategic autonomy of their own. The very ambitiously phrased EU Global Strategy that came out in June 2016, served as both catalyst and umbrella document for such an endeavour. However, in order to achieve measurable progress in responding to contemporary security challenges, it was clear that the EU needs to develop a structural way for member states to do jointly what they were not capable of doing at the national level. This is so especially in the environment in which China, Russia and Saudi Arabia are championing the defence spending, right after the US, while European states are signi�icantly trailing behind. The fact that the EU collectively is the second largest military investor and yet far from being among the dominant military powers only emphasises the burning issue of ef�iciency of military spending and the level of interoperability among member states’ armies. High-level fragmentation of the European defence market and the fact that defence industries are kept in national clusters is clearly contributing to that. The reality on the ground is obviously challenging traditional methods of co-operation that operate mainly in ‘national boxes’ and calling for a paradigm change in the wider policy context of CSDP. However, it remains to be seen to which extent will this new security environment actually be able to push the European defence policy context over the strict national boundaries.
Topic:
Security, Economics, Military Strategy, and European Union
Political Geography:
United States, China, Europe, Middle East, Asia, and Saudi Arabia

524. A World on the Move: Trends in Global Student Mobility

Author:
Rajika Bhandari and Institute of International Education
Publication Date:
03-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Institute of International Education
Abstract:
A World on the Move highlights key developments currently influencing student mobility in higher education in the United States and globally. Drawing upon Open Doors, Project Atlas and other sources of global data, the analysis points to a continuing demand for an international higher education in many parts of the world. Against the backdrop of recent trends, this report provides insight into the context of international student mobility.
Topic:
Employment, Mobility, and Higher Education
Political Geography:
Africa, China, Europe, Middle East, Canada, Asia, Germany, Latin America, North Africa, Australia/Pacific, Caribbean, North America, and United States of America

525. The Strategic Case for South Korea to Join the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership

Author:
Kyle Ferrier
Publication Date:
04-2018
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
International Journal of Korean Studies
Institution:
International Council on Korean Studies
Abstract:
South Korea is at a critical crossroads. The future of the liberal international order, a major source of strength for Seoul, is unclear. President Donald Trump has repudiated the longstanding American role of upholding the liberal order. While Beijing has been quick to capitalize on this policy shift, the norms China seeks to promote either fall short of or run counter to the advancement of an open and rules-based international system. Although South Korea may be caught between these two great powers, it is by no means powerless to influence how international economic norms are advanced. To best meet its economic and even strategic interests, the Moon administration should begin negotiations to have South Korea join the remaining countries in the Trans-Pacific Partnership, known as the CPTPP.
Topic:
International Relations, Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), Trans-Pacific Partnership, Free Trade, Regionalism, and Donald Trump
Political Geography:
China, Asia, South Korea, North America, and United States of America

526. The Rise of China and the Rebound in Korea’s Manufacturing Employment

Author:
Kyong Hyun Koo and Unjung Whang
Publication Date:
12-2018
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Korea Institute for International Economic Policy (KIEP)
Abstract:
Over the last three decades, the world has experienced a substantial in-crease in Chinese import penetration due to the rapid improvement in Chi-na’s supply productivity, which is often called the “China shock” or “China syndrome.” The existing literature have shown that the increase in imports from China due to the China shock adversely affected the manufacturing employment of a number of advanced countries such as the U.S., Norway, Denmark, and Spain. Unlike those advanced countries, South Korea has shown a pronounced increase in exports to China as well as imports from China since the 1990s. Over the same time, furthermore, Korea’s manufactur-ing employment has shown a stagnated downward trend compared to other advanced economies and even rebounded since the mid-2000s. Given these motivations, this study investigates both import and export channels to ex-plore how the China trade shocks affected the exceptional trend in Korea’s manufacturing employment from 1993 through 2015. To capture the overall employment effects of the China shocks, specifically, we consider not only how a Korean manufacturing industry employment is affected by the change in its direct exposure to China trade shocks (direct effects), but also how other industries’ changes in exposure to China trade shocks affect the industry through domestic industrial linkages (indirect ef-fects), largely following the empirical approach employed by Acemoglu et al. (2016). Mainly using firm-level data for almost all Korean manufacturing firms with more than four employees and the 2SLS estimation method, we find that during the period 1993-2015 the increase in Chinese import expo-sure had statistically insignificant direct effects on Korea’s manufacturing em-ployment on average, while 1% point increase in Chinese export exposure directly caused 0.18% increase in employment across Korean manufacturing industries. For the indirect effects of China shocks, in contrast, 1% point in-crease in Chinese import exposures of downstream industries (intermediate goods buyers) led to 3.00% decrease in employment of upstream industries (intermediate goods sellers) on average, while 1% point increase in Chinese export exposures of downstream industries brought 1.70% increase in em-ployment of upstream industries on average. The relatively moderate direct effects compared to the indirect ones are partly explained by two factors: First, Korea has gone through a substantial change in the structure of its trade with China since 2000s, so that within-industry supply chains between China and Korea have become more intertwined for some industries. Second, the Korean industries whose main downstream industries were substantially exposed to the Chinese imports (exports) tended to have a relatively low di-rect Chinese import (export) exposure during the period 1993-2015. Based on the 2SLS estimates above, the increased Chinese import expo-sure turns out to have decreased Korea manufacturing employment by 1,210,000 during the period 1993-2015, mainly through the indirect channel. In contrast, the increased Chinese export exposure appears to have increased Korea manufacturing employment by 1,090,000 during the same period, through the direct channel (210,000) and indirect channel (880,000). In the case of Korea’s manufacturing industry, therefore, most of the job reduction attributable to the China shocks has been also offset by job creation caused by the China shocks. Such a considerable increase in manufacturing jobs due to the rise of China, which has not been reported yet in other advanced economies, appear to have played an important role in generating the re-bounding trend in Korea’s manufacturing employment.
Topic:
Globalization, Labor Issues, Economic Policy, and Trade Shocks
Political Geography:
China, Asia, and South Korea

527. A Quantitative Trade Model with Unemployment

Author:
Kyu Yub Lee
Publication Date:
10-2018
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Korea Institute for International Economic Policy (KIEP)
Abstract:
Over the last decade, quantifying the welfare effects from tariff changes has become one of the main challenges among international trade economists. There are a number of quantitative trade models with micro-foundations which emphasize demand-side (Anderson and Van Wincoop 2003), supply-side (Eaton and Kortum 2002), Bertrand competition (Bernard et al. 2003), extensive and intensive margin (Chaney 2008), etc, and conclude that trade liberalization with tariff reductions leads an economy to reach a higher level of welfare compared to pre-liberalization (Costinot and Rodriguez-Clare 2014). While elegant, these models inducing gravity equations share the common assumption, a perfect labor market. Quantitative trade models with full-employment developed so far have not taken account of labor market frictions when evaluating the welfare effects from tariff changes. This paper aims to fill the gap in the trade literature by explicitly considering labor market frictions. I employ search-and-matching to a multi-country and multi-sector Ricardian model with input-output linkages, trade in intermediate goods, and sectoral heterogeneity, in order to quantify the welfare effects from tariff changes. The paper shows that labor market frictions can be a source of comparative advantage in the sense that better labor market conditions contribute to lower cost in production. Labor market frictions play a critical role in determining the probability of exporting goods to trading partners, and interact with bilateral trade share, price, expenditures, etc. Unemployment and changes in unemployment rates due to tariff reductions contribute welfare changes across countries, implying that welfare effects based on quantitative trade models with full-employment are likely to be biased. I confirm the biased welfare effects by revisiting Caliendo and Parro (2015), who conduct an analysis of the welfare effects from the NAFTA from 1993 to 2005. I show that the welfare gap between theirs and mine has a positive correlation with changes in observed unemployment rates across countries. With the constructed model, I further conduct counterfactual exercises by asking what would happen if China’s tariffs remain unchanged from 2006 to 2015. It turns out that there are mild welfare effects to trading partners in the world trading system.
Topic:
Tariffs, Economic Policy, Trade, Unemployment, and Welfare
Political Geography:
China and Asia

528. The Role of U.N. Peacekeeping in China’s Expanding Strategic Interests

Author:
Marc Lanteigne
Publication Date:
09-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
United States Institute of Peace
Abstract:
Despite its growing status as a major economic and military power, China continues to be a strong supporter of UN peacekeeping operations. China is not only the second-largest financial contributor to UN peacekeeping (after the United States), it has roughly 2,500 personnel deployed in ongoing missions, including in active combat zones in Mali and South Sudan—far more than any other permanent member of the UN Security Council. This Special Report examines what China hopes to gain from its participation in UN peacekeeping, as well as the challenges it will face as its troops find themselves in more dangerous “peace enforcement” situations.
Topic:
Foreign Policy, United Nations, Peacekeeping, and Peace
Political Geography:
China, Asia, Mali, and South Sudan

529. China’s Evolving Role as a U.N. Peacekeeper in Mali

Author:
Jean-Pierre Cabestan
Publication Date:
09-2018
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
United States Institute of Peace
Abstract:
Chinese troops have been stationed in Mali for the last half-decade as part of the UN-mandated stabilization force. Deployed after rebel groups overran large portions northeastern Mali in 2013, it was just the second time Beijing had ever contributed combat troops to a UN peacekeeping mission. This Special Report examines how China is using its peacekeeping activities in Mali as an opportunity to train troops and test equipment in a hostile environment—and as a way of extending its diplomatic reach and soft power in Africa and beyond.
Topic:
Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, United Nations, Peacekeeping, Conflict, and Peace
Political Geography:
Africa, China, Asia, and Mali

530. The Conflict Resource Economy and Pathways to Peace in Burma

Author:
Kevin M. Woods
Publication Date:
11-2018
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
United States Institute of Peace
Abstract:
Burma’s natural resource economy is inextricably tied to the ongoing armed conflict within the country. Questions of who has what ownership rights over what resources and how these resources can be more equitably shared with the wider population loom large. This report focuses on Burma’s resource-rich ethnic states and territories near the borders with China and Thailand and suggests that a more robust, accountable, and equitable system for managing the country’s resource wealth can help lay down the pathways to peace.
Topic:
Economics, Environment, Natural Resources, Conflict, and Peace
Political Geography:
China, Burma, Thailand, and Southeast Asia