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211. Why Afghanistan's Provincial Council Elections Matter

Author:
Noah Coburn and Anna Larson
Publication Date:
03-2014
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
United States Institute of Peace
Abstract:
Afghanistan's Provincial Councils (PCs) represent one of the best hopes for the future of local democracy in Afghanistan. Yet since their shaky formation in 2005, they continue to be overlooked by international actors preferring to interact with parliamentarians, ministers and appointed governors. The significance assigned by Afghans to winning PC seats has steadily increased over the last decade. Indeed, for many, the April 5 PC elections will do more than the presidential poll to determine whether democratic practices continue to take root in local politics. PC elections offer a chance to build local, personal ties and accountability mechanisms connecting to increasingly centralized government resources, and, in particular, an opportunity for a new generation of young, motivated Afghans to begin their political careers. As the locally-visible manifestation of the Afghan political system, PCs are the immediate face of democracy—or a lack thereof—for many Afghans. In 2009, with most news stories covering the widespread fraud in the presidential contest, the uproar over the fraud and delay throughout the PC polling process rarely received coverage on newspaper front pages. Yet those problems contributed significantly to people's sense of alienation and disillusionment with their country's political actors and electoral institutions. In spite of these experiences, Afghans are once again preparing to go to the polls. Voters, candidates, parties and local organizations are putting greater emphasis than ever on the process of provincial council polling—expressing concern about the prospects for fraud, mobilizing around their candidates and campaigning in earnest. If due attention to the process is not paid by the Independent Election Commission (IEC) and by international agencies, popular participation in future elections could drop. Prospects for Afghan democratization will depend much on how these and future provincial-level elections are conducted.
Topic:
Conflict Resolution, Democratization, Demographics, Development, Islam, Politics, and Youth Culture
Political Geography:
Afghanistan

212. Last Chance: The International Community and the 2014 Afghan Elections

Author:
Scott S. Smith
Publication Date:
03-2014
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
United States Institute of Peace
Abstract:
Afghanistan's democratic development has taken place within the tight embrace of international support and the conception of "free and fair" elections that comes with it, but Afghan and inter-national views on what to expect from elections have diverged in the past, leading to a deepening of distrust between the Karzai-led Afghan government and the international community. The run-up to the 2014 presidential elections has been shaped by this distrust. Nonetheless, with the breakdown of the reconciliation effort with the Taliban and uncertainty about the result of the transition process due to President Hamid Karzai's unexpected refusal to sign the Bilateral Security Agreement (BSA), the April 5 election is the only remaining opportunity for a political resolution of the continuing crisis in Afghanistan. A more complete understanding of the 2009 elections—how they were and were not a disaster—can help to narrow the gap between Afghan and international expectations; and an understanding of some of the changes that have occurred in Afghan society since 2009 can offer reason for optimism that the election will at the least create space for political elites to address the root causes of the crisis.
Topic:
Conflict Resolution, Security, Corruption, Democratization, Political Economy, and Insurgency
Political Geography:
Afghanistan

213. Reintegrating Armed Groups in Afghanistan: Lessons from the Past

Author:
Deedee Derksen
Publication Date:
03-2014
Content Type:
Policy Brief
Institution:
United States Institute of Peace
Abstract:
A piecemeal approach to disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) in Afghanistan, with four DDR programs since 2001 each targeting specific groups, has yielded limited results, mostly due to an extremely adverse political environment. Comprehensive DDR is unlikely to work without a settlement that includes all armed groups. The success of such a deal would in turn hinge on the successful reintegration of commanders and fighters. Sequencing DDR in the conventional way may not work; reintegration might better precede disarmament.
Topic:
Conflict Resolution, Security, Arms Control and Proliferation, and Insurgency
Political Geography:
Afghanistan

214. Afghanistan after the Drawdown

Author:
Gerald F. Hyman
Publication Date:
04-2014
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Center for Strategic and International Studies
Abstract:
In his 2013 State of the Union speech, President Barack Obama announced that by the end of 2014 "our war in Afghanistan will be over" and, a month earlier, that "by the end of next year, 2014, the transition will be complete—Afghans will have full responsibility for their security, and this war will come to a responsible end." The military transition, successful or not, is in full swing. Of course the war will not come to an end in 2014, responsible or otherwise. Even if the military drawdown goes as planned, "America's commitment to a unified and sovereign Afghanistan will endure, but the nature of our commitment will change," the president said. On the military side, our enduring commitment will focus on training, equipping, and funding the Afghan National Security Forces (ANSF) and "some counterterrorism efforts that allow us to pursue remnants of al Qaeda and their affiliates," presumably the Taliban. As the United States draws down, so too will the remaining coalition countries of the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) under North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) command.
Topic:
Security, Development, Economics, and Governance
Political Geography:
Afghanistan, United States, and South Asia

215. The Challenges to Transition in Afghanistan: 2014-2015

Author:
Anthony H. Cordesman
Publication Date:
04-2014
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Center for Strategic and International Studies
Abstract:
Creating political unity and reasons to be loyal to government. Creating a new structure of governance and balance between factions. Effective revenue collection, budget planning and expenditure, and limits to corruption. Fully replacing NATO/ISAF with the ANSF and "layered defense". Creating a new structure of security forces, advisors, and aid funds, to include addressing the presence of US and other nations' personnel. Acting on the Tokyo Conference: Creating effective flow and use of aid, economic reform, and limits to corruption and waste Stabilizing a market economy driven by military spending and moving towards development: Brain drain and capital flight. Coping with weather and other challenges to agricultural structure and with pressures to increase the narco - economy. Dealing with neighbors: Pakistan, I ran, Central Asian nations, India, China, and Russia.
Topic:
International Relations, Security, Military Strategy, and Foreign Aid
Political Geography:
Pakistan, Afghanistan, Russia, China, South Asia, India, and North America

216. Les conséquences de la guerre contre le terrorisme sur le monde des ONG Le cas du réseau de partenaires de Cordaid à travers le monde

Author:
François Lenfant, Lie van Broekhoven, and Frank van Lierde
Publication Date:
05-2014
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Cultures & Conflits
Institution:
Cultures & Conflits
Abstract:
L'essor du rôle des ONG en tant qu'acteurs exerçant une influence croissante dans les relations internationales a fait l'objet de nombreuses recherches ces dix dernières années. Pour beaucoup de chercheurs, ce phénomène résulte des défaillances aussi bien du secteur public (gouvernement) que privé (marché). Ces défaillances sont d'autant plus manifestes dans les nombreuses situations de crises humanitaires où les ONG, aussi bien locales qu'internationales, se sont vu attribuer de plus en plus de responsabilités. Dans de telles situations, le rôle qui leur est désormais dévolu inclut non seulement la protection des personnes et la prévention d'abus à leur encontre, mais aussi la mise en place de mécanismes d'alerte et le plaidoyer pour les droits de la personne, la socialisation et le renforcement de la cohésion sociale, la médiation, les activités de consolidation de la paix, etc. L'interpénétration des domaines de l'humanitaire, du développement et de la transformation des conflits a été finement analysée par Mary Anderson. À ses yeux, l'aide humanitaire ne doit pas seulement être fournie de façon responsable afin de minimiser son impact sur le conflit, mais elle doit aussi réduire les tensions entre combattants. Cette extension des activités des ONG dans des domaines que l'on peut qualifier de politiques rend encore plus complexes et ambiguës les relations déjà tendues que les ONG, aussi bien nationales qu'internationales, entretiennent avec les gouvernements. En effet, ces derniers ont tendance à appliquer une définition restrictive de l'humanitaire, ce qui leur permet de mettre en question la légitimité des ONG à intervenir hors de ce cadre prédéfini. Suite aux nombreuses crises humanitaires des années 1990 qui ont mis en exergue les déficiences inhérentes à une stricte application du droit international humanitaire dans la protection des populations, les ONG ont reconstruit leur légitimité en s'appuyant sur un système de valeurs morales inspirées de la déclaration universelle des droits de l'homme. Néanmoins, que leur légitimité soit fondée sur un socle normatif légal ou moral, les ONG travaillant dans des situations de conflit sont confrontées à de nombreux dilemmes, en particulier celui qui renvoie à leur positionnement vis-à-vis des gouvernements. Cette tension qui caractérise les relations entre gouvernements et ONG en ce qui concerne la définition et le champ d'intervention de l'humanitaire a été exacerbée par le contexte de la « guerre contre le terrorisme ».
Political Geography:
Afghanistan

217. Valider la guerre : la construction du régime d'expertise stratégique

Author:
Christophe Wasinski
Publication Date:
05-2014
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Cultures & Conflits
Institution:
Cultures & Conflits
Abstract:
La guerre est malheureusement loin d'avoir disparu du paysage international . Après la fin de la guerre froide, les forces armées ont continué à se préparer à ce phénomène comme l'ont bien montré, au cours des années 1990 et au début des années 2000, les projets de Révolution dans les Affaires Militaires ou de Transformation aux Etats-Unis. Plus encore, de nombreuses armées se sont régulièrement impliquées dans des opérations guerrières diverses comme en Irak en 1991, au Kosovo en 1999, en Afghanistan depuis 2001 et encore en Irak depuis 2003. Comme l'ont pourtant noté Keith Krause et Michael C. Williams, de façon étonnante et en dépit de sa prégnance, la violence guerrière reste sous-théorisée par les recherches interprétatives en relations internationals.
Political Geography:
Afghanistan and Kosovo

218. La volontè de rèprimer

Author:
Christophe Wasinski
Publication Date:
05-2014
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
Cultures & Conflits
Institution:
Cultures & Conflits
Abstract:
Le présent texte doit tout d'abord s'envisager comme une prise de position par rapport à l'actualité internationale de ces dernières années. Nous entendons effectivement poser un regard critique à l'encontre de la redécouverte des (fort acclamées) doctrines militaires contre-insurrectionnelles, en particulier dans le contexte des guerres en Irak et en Afghanistan. Pour ce faire, notre analyse cherche à contribuer au travail d'analyse généalogique de l'utilisation des forces armées dans la répression de troubles politiques internes. L'analyse généalogique permet en effet d'aborder la répression militarisée comme une norme soutenue par des réseaux d'individus qui reproduisent des pratiques, formalisent et perpétuent des savoirs et sont à l'origine d'institutions spécifiques. Par cette approche, le fait que la répression militarisée est considérée comme a priori pensable sur le plan social et faisable au niveau technique doit être appréhendé comme le résultat d'un régime de véridiction tout à fait particulier et non comme un « fait naturel ». Ce régime participe donc à une forme d'essentialisation de l'idée d'utilité technique de l'em-ploi de forces militaires et paramilitaires à l'intérieur d'un État. Il contribue aussi à lui donner une forme qui, malgré tout, évolue dans le temps et l'espace (on parle ainsi de « guerre coloniale », « guerre révolutionnaire » ou encore « contre-insurrection »). Au final, l'un des objectifs de la méthode généalogique est donc de rendre problématique ce qui semble aller de soi, c'est-à-dire, dans le contexte de cette étude, le fait que des États utilisent leurs forces armées dans le but de réprimer certaines contestations. Enfin, nous garderons à l'esprit, tout au long de cette analyse, que ce régime a des effets politiques puissants. D'une part, il donne aux décideurs politiques une justification essentielle quant à l'emploi des forces armées au niveau interne. D'autre part, il est capable de radicaliser dramatiquement les enjeux politiques de la contestation sociale par la diffusion de grilles de lecture de type ami-ennemi à des populations entières.
Political Geography:
Afghanistan

219. Talking to the Taliban 2010 – 2011: A Reflection

Author:
Marc Grossman
Publication Date:
03-2014
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
PRISM
Institution:
Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS), National Defense University
Abstract:
When then Secretary of State Hillary Clinton asked in early 2011 if I would become the United States' Special Representative for Afghanistan and Pakistan (SRAP) – after the sudden death of Ambassador Richard Holbrooke, the first SRAP– she described the foundations Ambassador Holbrooke had laid to manage one of the most challenging tasks facing the nation. Secretary Clinton also said that she wanted to continue the experiment: having the SRAP organization prove that the "whole–of–government" philosophy– the idea that the United States must employ expertise and resources from all relevant parts of government to address the nation's most important challenges –was the right model for 21st century diplomacy.2 The SRAP team brought together experts from across the U.S. Government (and included several diplomats from NATO countries) to develop and implement integrated strategies to address the complex challenges in Afghanistan, Pakistan, and the region.
Topic:
NATO
Political Geography:
Pakistan and Afghanistan

220. Putting State Legitimacy at the Center of Foreign Operations and Assistance

Author:
Bruce Gilley
Publication Date:
03-2014
Content Type:
Journal Article
Journal:
PRISM
Institution:
Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS), National Defense University
Abstract:
It is a commonly expressed idea that a key goal of intervention in and assistance to foreign nations is to establish (or re-establish) legitimate political authority. Historically, even so great a skeptic as John Stuart Mill allowed that intervention could be justified if it were "for the good of the people themselves" as measured by their willingness to support and defend the results. In recent times, President George W. Bush justified his post-war emphasis on democracybuilding in Iraq, Afghanistan, and elsewhere in the Middle East with the logic that "nations in the region will have greater stability because governments will have greater legitimacy." President Obama applauded French intervention in Mali for its ability "to reaffirm democracy and legitimacy and an effective government" in the country
Topic:
Government
Political Geography:
Afghanistan, Iraq, and Middle East