Review of: How capitalism was built : the transformation of Central and Eastern Europe, Russia, and Central Asia, Anders Åslund, Cambridge University Press, 2007
In many ways, 2007 was a threshold year for Turkey and Turkish democracy. The country faced the challenge of deciding its political future as well as resolving its foundational identity problems. From the beginning, most political observers knew that the political climate and developments of the year would be shaped by the dual elections, first for the Presidency and then for the Parliament. Indeed, as will be seen below, the political developments of the year were determined by the struggles related to the elections.
The new French President's brash style is ruffling more than a feather on the international scene: while Nicolas Sarkozy has contributed to finding a solution to the Constitutional crisis and has brought France back into the European Union, he certainly does not always sound the good European he pretends to be. Too many ambiguities and inconsistencies pave his way. The same can be said for international politics: for instance, while the new President heralded human rights, he recently singled himself out by congratulating the election results in Russia. Is there a distinctive new French policy worldwide?
Despite the belief of some that British Prime Minister Brown's attitudes towards the European Union could not be predicted, much in his period as Chancellor of the Exchequer suggested that Britain's role within the European Union would not be a high priority of his premiership. Early indications bear out this expectation. There will probably not be a British referendum on the Reform Treaty, but the rhetoric employed by Brown's government to describe the Treaty will be negative and minimalist. Although no significant body of British opinion favours with-drawal from the European Union, British popular resentment towards the Union is unlikely to disappear under Brown's leadership.
The Lisbon Treaty adapts the EU's institutional structures into a new architecture for foreign affairs. It creates a High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy with responsibility as Vice-President in the Commission for work on external affairs ("first pillar") and in the Council for common foreign and security policy ("second pillar"). To assist this person in his/her tasks it creates a European External Action Service and Union Delegations in non-EU countries, which may develop into a European Diplomatic Service. The article examines the service's tasks, timing, institutional place, staff, structure and budget, and the participation of EU member states.
Ever since it started in the early 1990s, the latest debate on United Nations Security Council reform has divided EU member states. This division has created a huge stumbling block for progress. It has also hampered the deepening of the EU's Common Foreign and Security Policy. This article discusses recent developments in both the UN and the EU. In particular, it sketches out how the EU can become a key power broker by reconciling the conflicting Italian and German positions towards a common European UN policy. The creation of semi-permanent SC seats seems to be the most promising solution in the short term. Moreover, such an interim approach also promises to achieve a single EU seat in the long run.
Promoting regional cooperation has been one of the EU priorities in South Eastern Europe since the mid-1990s. However, the EU's regional approach has often been weakened by the prevailing bilateral dimension of its policies towards SEE countries, and not adequately supported by stringent conditionality. Nevertheless, recent progress has been achieved in several specific areas of regional cooperation, such as trade, energy and parliamentary cooperation, and countries of the region are increasingly assuming responsibility on cooperation processes, as the transition from the Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe to the regionally owned and led Regional Cooperation Council seems to prove.
Plans contemplating new arrangements for the ''democracies'' of the international system have multiplied in recent years. The Princeton Report of September 2006 contained a proposal for a treaty-based ''Concert of Democracies''. Just a few months later, The American Interest hosted a provoking article entitled ''Democracies of the World, Unite'', advancing a similar suggestion. In America at the Crossroads, Francis Fukuyama envisioned a new organisation of the democracies to revive multilateralism.
The Western Sahara conflict is a 32-year old case of decolonisation that has been on the UN Security Council's agenda since 1991. Despite the straightforwardness of the stalemate in terms of international legality, the UN has been unable to implement its own provisions on the issue. The UN's failure is due to the contradictions arising from the interaction throughout the conflict between international law and geopolitics. Morocco's supporters in the UNSC have not only allowed it to systematically violate international law but have encouraged Morocco to formalise its irredentism through its "Autonomy Initiative". This behaviour is perilous not only for the stability of the Maghreb but for the UN system as well.