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51. India-Brazil: Combating the double disease burden

Author:
Mohit Nair and Abhijeet Deshmukh
Publication Date:
11-2011
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Gateway House: Indian Council on Global Relations
Abstract:
Today, both India and Brazil face the risk of an increase in communicable and non-communicable diseases, given the inefficient healthcare delivery systems. How can these nations help each other implement policy changes – to weed out hiccups to healthcare systems – and serve as a model for developing nations? When the term BRIC was first coined in 2001, Brazil and India were reputed as two leading emerging markets with tremendous growth potential. While both nations have sustained high growth rates for almost a decade, both are increasingly facing the onerous double disease burden that could prove to be economically and socially crippling if left unchecked. The double disease burden refers to the rise of communicable and non-communicable diseases (NCDs). Inefficient healthcare delivery systems and high rates of urbanization have contributed to periodic rises in communicable diseases such as tuberculosis, malaria and HIV. At the same time, as life expectancy increases in both nations, there has been a concomitant hike in the prevalence of NCDs such as cancer, diabetes and cardiovascular disease. This double disease burden is a common characteristic of developing nations and the increasing morbidity and loss of economic activity has the risk of hampering economic growth. According to the World Health Organization (WHO), the estimated loss in income from heart disease, stroke and diabetes alone was $8.7 billion in India and $2.7 billion in Brazil in 2005. This is expected to increase to $54 billion in India and $9.3 billion in Brazil by 2015. By implementing proper policy measures, both Brazil and India can avoid a health care catastrophe and serve as a model for developing nations.
Topic:
Development, Health, World Health Organization, Infectious Diseases, and Public Policy
Political Geography:
South Asia, India, Brazil, and South America

52. Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India Pipeline Possibility or Pipe Dream?

Author:
Gateway House
Publication Date:
11-2011
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Gateway House: Indian Council on Global Relations
Abstract:
Oil was the fuel of the 20th century. But depleting sources, volatility of prices and environmental concerns have made it imperative to look for alternate fuels. Natural gas provides one such solution for these concerns. Natural gas has a lower environmental impact than oil, emitting 30% less carbon dioxide, is generally priced at a fraction of the price of crude, and given its suitability as a substitute for oil in industries, makes it an attractive alternative to oil. Natural gas emits 45% less carbon dioxide than coal, making it an equally attractive substitute to iti. With the rapid depletion of most fuel sources, the need to tap into existing and unexplored natural gas reserves has become central to the energy debate. In order to secure a constant source of supply of natural gas to India, the Government of India is looking into the ambitious Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India (TAPI) pipeline. This will be an addition to the existing domestic production and LNG (Liquefied Natural Gas) imports. This project has been in the pipeline for the last 15 years though India signed on to it in early 2008. Since this pipeline passes through Afghanistan and Pakistan, both restive regions, security concerns have triggered wide debate on its viability. This paper briefly looks at the position of natural gas in the world vis-à-vis other fuels. The paper also elaborates on the economics and politics of the TAPI pipeline to conclude that this will remain a very tempting but unfortunately, a ‘Forever Project’ where discussions can go on for years without any concrete results. The paper advocates caution given the tumultuous times prevalent in Afghanistan and Pakistan and lists alternate options and possible courses of action for India.
Topic:
Security, Energy Policy, Oil, Gas, Volatility, and Energy Crisis
Political Geography:
Pakistan, Afghanistan, South Asia, India, and Turkmenistan

53. 26/11 Reflections

Author:
Gateway House
Publication Date:
11-2011
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Gateway House: Indian Council on Global Relations
Abstract:
In this compendium of essays, Gateway House examines the terrorist attack carried out on Mumbai on 26 November 2008, and its aftermath. It has been three years since 26th November, when terrorists attacked Mumbai’s monuments and its self-esteem. Life has resumed for the Mumbaikar, as always. But many questions remain, unanswered. Gateway House has attempted to analyse the event and its aftermath. We asked experts and ordinary individuals from around the world to bring in their unique perspectives. In a series of 13 essays, we examine the following: How did the ordinary Pakistani feel as she/he watched the towers of the Taj burn? Why didn’t the United Nations respond to 26/11 the way it did after 9/11? Should New York heed the warning of 26/11? What does Washington’s double-standards in South Asia mean for us? Should we change our strategy on Pakistan – or is it now the right time for Pakistan to change its strategy towards us? Are we better equipped in terms of defence equipment and maritime security? What can our security structures learn from our corporations? Are we entitled to the Right to Security, the way we are to education and food? What are the human rights of terrorism’s victims? Have we really cared for those who suffered on account of terrorism? Why is justice so delayed in India and what does it mean for terrorism?
Topic:
Security, Terrorism, Counter-terrorism, and Borders
Political Geography:
Pakistan, South Asia, India, and Mumbai

54. Good Regulation is Good Governance 101

Author:
K N Vaidyanathan
Publication Date:
12-2011
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Gateway House: Indian Council on Global Relations
Abstract:
There is an immediate need for observance of good governance in regulation and a restructuring of the regulatory architecture. Key to this is the recovery of ground lost by the regulator in ensuring market integrity. In 1925, at the time that Britain reverted to the gold standard, Winston Churchill, then Chancellor, said that he would like to see ‘finance less proud and industry more secure.’ The move was criticized by economists for overvaluation of the British Pound; but the quote was prescient and is especially relevant today, when the hubris of the financial markets has fractured the global economy so excessively. Course correction so far has relied on bailouts. Instead what is immediately needed is the observance of good governance in regulation and in the long term, a restructuring of the regulatory architecture. Key to this is the recovery of ground lost by the regulator in ensuring market integrity, reinforcement of the currency of financial markets viz., trust, and deliverance of market stability which will help the underlying economy and the society at large. In sum: ensuring good regulation through good governance. This is the challenge before regulators today. The impact and import of the global financial crisis can be judged by two simple numbers: global market capitalization and GDP growth. (Source – the World Federation of Exchanges www.world-exchanges.org data.worldbank.org), They grew from $17.1 trillion and $27.5 trillion in 1990 to $ 64.5 trillion and $ 63.2 trillion, in 2007 respectively. A year later, market capitalization had almost halved to $ 33.5 trillion while GDP growth fell from over 5% to 3% in 2008 and -0.5% in 2009. The crisis that surfaced in 2007 has already peaked twice, in 2008 and 2011, and is far from over. In every analysis, financial market regulators have been accused of sleeping at their desks, held captive by the industry, remaining benign as the party went on and even abetting the excesses both wittingly and unwittingly.
Topic:
Economics, Financial Crisis, Governance, Regulation, Central Bank, and Caste
Political Geography:
South Asia and India

55. A winning strategy for the North East

Author:
Akshay Mathur
Publication Date:
07-2011
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Gateway House: Indian Council on Global Relations
Abstract:
This paper examines the political & economic landscape of North East India and explains how diplomacy, policing and development brought peace to Assam and the North-East. For most Indians, the North East (NE) has remained largely on the fringes of our sense of India as well as on the periphery of its geography. This is partly because India has ignored the region politically and economically for a long time, and partly because the complex social and cultural dynamics have made it difficult to integrate the region with the rest of the country. Now, however, India ignores it at its own peril. India can never achieve sustained high economic growth or become a powerful integrated nation if it continues to think of developing NE as a rural infrastructure project. It is a region of seven states – Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland and Tripura that has four international borders—China, Myanmar, Bangladesh and Bhutan— and accounts for a major source of hydrocarbons (oil and gas), coal, limestone, tea, bamboo and other resources. The successful triumvirate of diplomacy, policing and development in Assam has brought the ULFA to the point of peace negotiations. This has renewed hope for sustained peace and a fresh economic opportunity in Assam. It is now time to cement peace and define a new vision for the region. A big, bold, tangible, all-encompassing strategy is suggested to kick-start an economic revolution in the NE using domestic businesses and partnerships neighbouring South East Asian countries. The paper uses the model of the Delhi Mumbai Industrial Corridor (DMIC), a Rs. 400,995 Crores ($90 billion) effort funded jointly by Government of India and Government of Japan to make western India in to an economic powerhouse. Part 1 of this paper examines the political and economic landscape of the region and explains how diplomacy, policing and development brought peace to Assam and to NE at large. Part 2 proposes a bold economic plan for the future with Thailand as partner.
Topic:
Development, Diplomacy, Economics, Infrastructure, Peace, and Police
Political Geography:
South Asia, India, and Myanmar

56. Environmental diplomacy: Saving the Sundarbans and restoring the India-Bangladesh relationship

Author:
Shloka Nath
Publication Date:
08-2011
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Gateway House: Indian Council on Global Relations
Abstract:
Gateway House’s Shloka Nath examines the causes of disagreements between India and Bangladesh, and makes recommendations to resolve them – which can lead to an intelligent management and protection of the Sunderbans. In January 2010, Jairam Ramesh, then India’s energetic Environment Minister, while on a visit to Kolkata, displayed once again his penchant for the big idea. Together with his counterpart from Bangladesh, he announced both countries were joining hands to protect the Sundarbans from environmental degradation and stated that the proposed Indo-Bangladesh Sundarbans Eco-System Forum, which is currently in the planning stages, will be made functional by the second half of 2011. In October 2010, a draft protocol to be signed by both nations was approved by the Bangladesh cabinet at a meeting chaired by Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. Using bilateral environmental concerns to foster broader regional cooperation is an innovative idea and the first of its kind for India and Bangladesh. For both countries, this is a unique foreign policy opportunity. In an exclusive interview with Gateway House in September 2010, Ramesh said, “Environmental diplomacy and environmental cooperation can often be triggers for enhancing broader regional cooperation. It helps to build trust, gets your people working with each other, learning from each other, and breaking down barriers. I hope to see more of this going forward.” The timing of the statement could not have been better; if the aspiration of Jairam Ramesh can be realised, not only will the fractious Indo-Bangla relationship be repaired, but the Sundarbans, the world’s largest mangrove forest spanning a vast territory of over 10,000 sq. km. can also be saved. Sitting on the sensitive border between India and Bangladesh, the Sundarbans is one of the most endangered eco-systems in the world. Approximately 60 percent lies in Bangladesh and 40 percent in India. The problems that surround it have the potential to advance the relationship between these two important South Asian neighbours; given the magnitude of the difficulties, the converse is equally true.
Topic:
Climate Change, Diplomacy, Environment, Regional Cooperation, Territorial Disputes, Water, Refugees, and Maritime
Political Geography:
Bangladesh, South Asia, and India

57. Re-energising the India-Russia Relationship: Opportunities and Challenges for the 21st Century

Author:
Katherine Foshko
Publication Date:
09-2011
Content Type:
Working Paper
Institution:
Gateway House: Indian Council on Global Relations
Abstract:
This paper assesses the India-Russia relationship in today’s context and explains why it is time for the two countries to re-energise the bilateral. Contemporary scholarly publications on the Indian-Russian relationship almost invariably mention Raj Kapoor‘s films and Indian tea—both wildly popular in the Soviet Union decades ago—and, going further back in time, often recollect hoary anecdotes about Rabindranath Tagore‘s closeness with Leo Tolstoy. These images accurately reflect the historically close bonds between India and Russia, but also say little about what the relationship signifies for the two generations of Indians and Russians that were born or came of age after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Discussions of the India-Russia partnership in policy circles likewise are still too often shrouded in the mists of nostalgia for the close diplomatic, military, commercial, and cultural ties of the Cold War years with little reference to the new realities in both nations. Yet, much of the oratory rooted in the rich history between the Soviet Union and India does not translate into pragmatic prescriptions for re-energising a relationship that, while truly privileged, is showing multiple signs of structural challenges and inertial thinking. These bilateral ties need strengthening which should come from a more active involvement not just from scholars but also political, media, and, critically, corporate figures. The Indo-Russian marriage is long past its youthful bloom and must at this point be based on realistic assessments of mutual strengths and opportunities as opposed to idealized and impracticable mythologizing about the bright future of “Hindustan-Russia Bhai Bhai.” On Dec 20, Ronen Sen, the former Indian Ambassador to Russia, the U.K. Germany and the United States, released Gateway House’s report on re-energising the India-Russia relationship. Addressing the progress in India-Russia relations over the past year – 30 MoU’s were signed, two Russian nuclear reactors were set up in India and visa regimes have been eased considerably- the report suggests measures to lift the relationship from the benign neglect of the past.
Topic:
Foreign Policy, Diplomacy, Bilateral Relations, Military Affairs, Gas, Investment, Trade, Soviet Union, Pipeline, and Nuclear Energy
Political Geography:
Russia, South Asia, Eurasia, and India

58. 9/11: Ten Years Later

Author:
Gateway House
Publication Date:
09-2011
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Gateway House: Indian Council on Global Relations
Abstract:
On September 12, 2001, a day after 9/11, the Times of India published a story titled, ―India hopes U.S. will now pressurise Pak.‖ At the time, this relayed a common national sentiment – India may finally get the United States to become a close ally against Pakistan-sponsored terrorism, and help India in eradicating terrorism. Ten years hence, neither has the U.S. taken a position against Pakistan, nor has India prepared itself better to fight terrorism and insurgency on its home ground. A massive explosion at the Delhi High Court this week left at least 14 dead and some 60 injured. It served as a horrific reminder that India continues to be at the receiving end of terrorism. This is the third major terrorist attack in Delhi since 9/11, following the one on Parliament on December 2001 and another at the Sarojini Nagar Market in October 2005. Mumbai has seen similar attacks with the serial blasts in March 1993, train bombings in July 2006, the 26/11 attacks of November 2008 and coordinate attacks of July 2011. Many more such incidents have taken place across the country in smaller cities like Jaipur and Pune. Yet, rather than designing and executing ways to secure our borders, we remain enamored with the effects of 9/11 and anniversaries of attacks in London, Madrid, and elsewhere. The government‘s response is the same – they had some intelligence, law enforcement was in a state of alert, but there was no actionable intelligence, and of course, somewhere along the chain of command between the Home Minister and the constable on the street, our counter-terrorism strategy was never converted into skills or systems that would prove useful. The usually communicative, media-friendly politicians have no comment to give, reflecting only their incapability or worse, indifference. The media gives it due importance for 24 hours, then in the absence of any new information from the government or the public, moves on to other news-worthy items.
Topic:
Security, Foreign Policy, Terrorism, Borders, and 9/11
Political Geography:
Pakistan, South Asia, India, and United States of America

59. India-Brazil: Combating the double disease burden

Author:
Mohit Nair and Abhijeet Deshmukh
Publication Date:
11-2011
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Gateway House: Indian Council on Global Relations
Abstract:
When the term BRIC was first coined in 2001, Brazil and India were reputed as two leading emerging markets with tremendous growth potential. While both nations have sustained high growth rates for almost a decade, both are increasingly facing the onerous double disease burden that could prove to be economically and socially crippling if left unchecked. The double disease burden refers to the rise of communicable and non-communicable diseases (NCDs). Inefficient healthcare delivery systems and high rates of urbanization have contributed to periodic rises in communicable diseases such as tuberculosis, malaria and HIV. At the same time, as life expectancy increases in both nations, there has been a concomitant hike in the prevalence of NCDs such as cancer, diabetes and cardiovascular disease. This double disease burden is a common characteristic of developing nations and the increasing morbidity and loss of economic activity has the risk of hampering economic growth. According to the World Health Organization (WHO), the estimated loss in income from heart disease, stroke and diabetes alone was $8.7 billion in India and $2.7 billion in Brazil in 2005. This is expected to increase to $54 billion in India and $9.3 billion in Brazil by 2015. By implementing proper policy measures, both Brazil and India can avoid a health care catastrophe and serve as a model for developing nations. There is no doubt that Brazil has outperformed India in terms of controlling the spread of communicable diseases. Yet, challenges remain. While rates of HIV/AIDS and tuberculosis are comparatively lower in Brazil than in India, rates of dengue fever in Brazil are six times higher than they were in the 1990s, with 3.5 million cases in the last decade and no available vaccine (Barreto et. al, 2011). Control of neglected tropical diseases such as visceral leishmaniasis is also currently very poor. India has an even more unsettling disease profile with major diseases like tuberculosis responsible for more than 300,000 deaths per year. In addition, while the government boasts a reduction in prevalence rates of HIV/AIDS, it is still home to over 2.4 million HIV/AIDS patients. Equally worrying is the monumental rise in rates of cardiovascular disease and diabetes. According to the WHO, non-communicable diseases currently cause 35 million deaths per year and 80 percent of these occur in low- or middle-income countries (World Diabetes Foundation 2010). India will incur an accumulated loss of over $200 billion due to non-communicable diseases by 2015, and Brazil will see an estimated loss of $49.2 billion due to diabetes and cardiovascular disease alone (World Diabetes Foundation 2010). It is clear that Brazil and India will not be able to achieve the Millennium Development Goals by 2015 unless the double disease burden and associated challenges of alleviating the rising economic and human costs are addressed. Overall, Brazil’s efforts and programs have been more effective than India’s. Brazil’s acceptance of health care as a constitutional right for all citizens in 1988, regardless of their ability to pay, has led to groundbreaking health care reforms by the Brazilian government. Its HIV/AIDS program has served as an exemplar of government intervention. In the 1990s, the World Bank had estimated that 1.2 million people would be living with AIDS in Brazil by 2000, but in reality, the actual figure was less than 600,000 due to effective government intervention (Avert n.d.). India however, still struggles with a lack of effective communication between federal, state and municipal governments and woeful implementation of health coverage across sectors. Since India has a disproportionate share (21 percent) of the global disease burden, it is essential that it learn from Brazil a country that has achieved several significant milestones in addressing the health care needs of its citizens who are below the poverty line. India could adopt similar health care strategies to promote collaboration between the two nations to combat the double disease burden.
Topic:
Development, International Cooperation, Infectious Diseases, Health Care Policy, and Public Health
Political Geography:
South Asia, India, Brazil, and South America

60. Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India Pipeline Possibility or Pipe Dream?

Author:
Madhura Joshi
Publication Date:
11-2011
Content Type:
Special Report
Institution:
Gateway House: Indian Council on Global Relations
Abstract:
Oil was the fuel of the 20th century. But depleting sources, volatility of prices and environmental concerns have made it imperative to look for alternate fuels. Natural gas provides one such solution for these concerns. Natural gas has a lower environmental impact than oil, emitting 30% less carbon dioxide, is generally priced at a fraction of the price of crude, and given its suitability as a substitute for oil in industries, makes it an attractive alternative to oil. Natural gas emits 45% less carbon dioxide than coal, making it an equally attractive substitute to iti. With the rapid depletion of most fuel sources, the need to tap into existing and unexplored natural gas reserves has become central to the energy debate. In order to secure a constant source of supply of natural gas to India, the Government of India is looking into the ambitious Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India (TAPI) pipeline. This will be an addition to the existing domestic production and LNG (Liquefied Natural Gas) imports. This project has been in the pipeline for the last 15 years though India signed on to it in early 2008. Since this pipeline passes through Afghanistan and Pakistan, both restive regions, security concerns have triggered wide debate on its viability. This paper briefly looks at the position of natural gas in the world vis-à-vis other fuels. The paper also elaborates on the economics and politics of the TAPI pipeline to conclude that this will remain a very tempting but unfortunately, a ‘Forever Project’ where discussions can go on for years without any concrete results. The paper advocates caution given the tumultuous times prevalent in Afghanistan and Pakistan and lists alternate options and possible courses of action for India.
Topic:
Security, Energy Policy, Gas, and Pipeline
Political Geography:
Pakistan, Afghanistan, South Asia, Central Asia, India, and Turkmenistan