DANIEL BYMAN discusses the diplomatic and security implications of the Arab Spring. He finds that new alignments have begun in the Arab world and that the regionʼs stability is being shaken. He argues that these changes affect an array of declared U.S. interests.
REGINA KARP looks at the relationship between nuclear disarmament and world order. She argues that the new security environment compels a reassessment of how national security and international security governance are balanced. She concludes that sustainable arms control and disarmament initiatives involve a debate about who makes the rules and the benefits that come to those who live by them.
JONATHAN BENJAMIN-ALVARADO and GREGORY A. PETROW examine Gallup World Poll data from Cuba to evaluate both the level of Cuban regime approval, as well as its causes. They conclude that Cubans are satisfied overall with their leaders, and that part of this satisfaction stems from equating the regime with the state.
JOSHUA W. BUSBY and JONATHAN MONTEN analyze opinion polls, focusing on the degree of congruence between Republican elites and the general public on foreign policy. They find Republican elites to be consistently more internationalist than the public on most dimensions.
If perfect policies and complete foresight are beyond us, perhaps we can at least minimize mistakes and reduce uncertainty. These are the objectives of the two books under review. Of course this is not new, and the fact—if it is a fact—that things have not gotten much better might lead us to wonder if even these somewhat-modest objectives can be reached. General Carl Von Clausewitz's comment may still apply: “We know more, but this makes us more, not less uncertain.”
Thomas Christensen has written a superb book that will be of value to scholars of both international relations theory and East Asian security. Refining theories of alliances to explore when and under what conditions weakly coordinated alliances lead to miscalculation, and when and why tightly coordinated alliances might also lead to miscalculation, Christensen provides a number of insights into the complexities of international relations. Christensen argues that while it may seem that facing a united and coordinated set of enemies may appear to be dangerous, it may be just as dangerous to face a set of enemies that are uncoordinated and internally divided. This is because engaging in successful coercive diplomacy with divided enemies is more difficult. Furthermore, internal divisions can lead to mixed signals and contradictory diplomacy, both of which can increase the possibility for miscalculation.
Writing about the rise of China and what this means for the rest of the world has become a cottage industry outside of China. Virtually all of these books, however, have been written by non-Chinese, not that one has to be Chinese to be able to understand contemporary China and engage in informed speculation about that country's future and its implications for the planet. Nevertheless, the opinions and ideas of most Chinese authors on these subjects tend to be inaccessible to non-Chinese speakers. The Brookings Institution has done a great service by selecting some of the most interesting and influential Chinese intellectuals and translating their writings into English in its “Chinese Thinkers Series.”
Perhaps no country will figure more prominently in America's future than China. China's rapid ascent is already an issue on Capitol Hill, and with over 50 percent of Americans worried about the implications of China's rise for the United States, relations with China are a hot-button electoral issue. Indeed, the 2010 midterm election campaign witnessed a flurry of anti-Chinese television ads, linking America's economic troubles to China's emergence as an economic powerhouse. The most memorable of these was the so-called Chinese Professor ad, which depicted a China-dominated future in which confident Chinese intellectuals chuckle over America's relative decline. Alarmed by the spread of "Sinophobia," China responded in early 2011 by launching its own media blitz in the United States, hoping to soften its image among American voters.
Undoubtedly, we live in a period of media-stoked scandal. Actorsʼ and actressesʼ substance abuse, arrests, affairs, divorces, racially insensitive remarks, and indiscretions dominate entertainment news. Athletesʼ steroid abuse, drunk-driving arrests, extra-marital affairs, and extra-legal enterprises feature prominently in sports news. We should hardly be surprised to also find political news filled with scandals. Countless stories have addressed one governorʼs attempt to sell vacant Senate seats, anotherʼs international trips for extra-marital trysts, and anotherʼs penchant for escorts. Presidential candidates have been caught having affairs, fathering children out of wedlock, and raising “slush funds” of cash for personal expenses. Executive branch and judicial nominees have been exposed for cheating on their taxes, cheating on their spouses, sexually harassing their staffs, and hiring undocumented workers. Members of Congress have been caught accepting bribes, employing escorts, sexually harassing pages and staff members, and engaging in embarrassing communications online.
As Fatah and Hamas continuously fail to come to an agreement over the issues between them, it is quite clear that the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO), which is responsible for catapulting the Palestinian issue into international prominence, has ceased to exist. Not only does it not maintain an Internet site, its popular body, the Palestinian National Council (PNC), which is meant to convene every two years, has not met officially since 1996, and since 1991, according to Hamas and other Palestinian factions opposed to Muhammad Abbas, its titular head. There is a need to understand the implications of the demise of the PLO, an institution that once loomed large in Middle Eastern and world politics.