Milton Friedman liked to recall that his experience with the Great Depression as a young man living in New York had a major effect on his career decision to study economics. So, we can count at least one good thing that came out of that tragic, unnecessary experience.
This article is concerned with the determinants of economic growth, and, in particular, with the role of policy in directing the pattern of growth in developing economies. Over the years, economists and policymakers have focused primarily on fiscal and exchange rate policy. While the role of fiscal deficits is well understood, the same agreement does not hold with regard to exchange rate policy.
Trade policy has become a partisan affair in Washington. Major trade bills in Congress typically pit pro-trade Republicans backed by big business against trade-skeptic Democrats aligned with labor unions. And as the two major parties arm themselves for the 2008 general election, trade policy promises to provide one of the sharper contrasts between them.
How do many scientific disciplines estimate and report results? Practitioners estimate regression models or conduct difference-of means tests through experiments. And they report which results are significant and which are not (i.e., different from zero with 95 percent confidence). In this important book, Ziliak and McCloskey have three objectives: to remind us that such research may be mindless, unscientific, and costly; to explicate the intellectual history of significance testing and the struggles among those professors who developed sampling and statistical testing; and to illustrate the correct way to conduct research and praise those few who report their research properly.
Whatever you think of his politics or jurisprudence, Clarence Thomas is a remarkable man. Born into desperate poverty in the Jim Crow South and raised by his illiterate grandfather, he would graduate from (and be completely disillusioned by) Yale Law School while battling personal and political demons that would have felled lesser mortals many times over. Now on the Supreme Court bench for over 15 years, Justice Thomas has established himself as a force to be reckoned with, a strong voice who has accepted and transcended his unfortunate notoriety.
Donald Rumsfeld will go down in history as one of the worst secretaries of defense since the end of World War II. This is the conclusion reached by Dale Herspring, a political science professor at the University of Kansas, in a new book transparently titled Rumsfeld's Wars: The Arrogance of Power. Without much effort to give the former secretary any benefit of the doubt, Herspring blames him directly for causing our military to become “demoralized” and “broken.”
“9/11 constituted an open declaration of war on the United States and … the war into which it catapulted us was nothing less than another world war.” So says Norman Podhoretz in the opening passage of this alarmist, rambling screed. The enemy is Islamofascism, a “monster with two heads, one religious and the other secular.” This scourge, Podhoretz warns darkly, may be “even more dangerous and difficult to beat” than Nazi Germany or the Soviet Union.
David R. Mayhew examines U.S. presidential elections from 1788 through 2004. He highlights the importance of incumbency advantage. He concludes that in-office parties have kept the White House two-thirds of the time when they have run incumbent candidates, but they have fared only 50-50 in open-seat elections.
Ethan B. Kapstein argues that in recent years a growing number of activists, scholars, and policymakers have claimed that the global economy and, specifically, the current international trade regime have been ''unfair'' to the developing countries. He concludes that, while the trading system can hardly be considered a level playing field for each and every state, fairness considerations do appear to play a role in shaping trade agreements.
John A. Gentry discusses the nature of U.S. intelligence “failures” He argues that excessive expectations for the performance of intelligence agencies mean that many charges of intelligence failure are misplaced and many reform proposals are misdirected. He concludes that policymakers and policy-implementing agencies often cause intelligence-related failures.